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The Jewish Historian Flavius Josephus: A Biographical Investigation

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accumulation into one passage of two stories that are not in principle related to each other<br />

ultimately originates from the interests of Herod, who recounts to the Jews that Antigonus has<br />

set the halls of the temple on fire, while he himself, in spite of the war, granted everything to<br />

the Jews for the performance of the cult ritual.<br />

[214] As a matter of fact, we have already been able to detect the traces of Herod’s memoirs<br />

in a great number of passages 77 with great probability, and it is understandable that these<br />

proofs support each other mutually. It is of course not said by this, however, that <strong>Josephus</strong><br />

himself has looked at this work; an indirect use would also explain the facts in the same way;<br />

having said that, it has become clear to us that the reinterpretation of the narratives available<br />

to <strong>Josephus</strong> corresponds perfectly to the bias of the Antiquities and can therefore derive from<br />

<strong>Josephus</strong> [himself].<br />

While <strong>Josephus</strong> took the conclusion of the battle for Jerusalem verbatim from the War so<br />

that the Antiquities acquires the value of the oldest manuscript, he attached an observation of<br />

his own accord at the end (489 - 491), in which we encounter his true sentiment. Here the<br />

downfall of the Hasmoneans is illuminated from the most diverse aspects, and <strong>Josephus</strong> stands<br />

entirely on the side of this “noble house, distinguished because of its lineage as well as its high<br />

priesthood and its meritorious deeds [Verdienste] on behalf of the people”. In contrast to this,<br />

the Herodians are from lowly circles, they are commoners and as such they had to obey the<br />

king. It is the same view, which disposed <strong>Josephus</strong> to [effect] the change [discussed] in section<br />

8, which had him make the pessimistic observation in sections 77/78 (cf. page 162 ff.), and<br />

which ultimately also induced him to turn the self-sufficient Antipater of the War into one of<br />

Hyrcanus’ tools who only executed the orders of this master! (cf. page 166 ff., 187). <strong>The</strong>refore,<br />

as much as <strong>Josephus</strong> is [215] well-disposed to the Hasmoneans in comparison to the<br />

77<br />

In this series we can now also include the report [mentioned] on page 138, which was<br />

separated from [those discussed in] section 10, but which concerned the past of the Herodians.<br />

<strong>The</strong> tradition provided there, which does not originate from Nicolaus, is essentially welldisposed<br />

towards the Herodians: Alexander’s appointment of Antipater I as governor of all<br />

Idumea proves this. A disapproving colouring, however, enters the context in that the main<br />

value of the obviously commendable service, which is later attributed to Antipater, namely<br />

winning the Arabians, Gazaites, and Ascalonites over to King Alexander’s cause, is eliminated<br />

by ascribing this success to alleged bribery of these tribes. So here as well the inherently<br />

favourable picture has become clouded by additions. Ultimately, there also seems to be no<br />

doubt to me in principle, that we may expect such particulars in the memoirs of the king.<br />

<strong>The</strong>ir factual reliability is not to be dismissed lightly.<br />

188

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