The Jewish Historian Flavius Josephus: A Biographical Investigation
The Jewish Historian Flavius Josephus: A Biographical Investigation
The Jewish Historian Flavius Josephus: A Biographical Investigation
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portrayal [of <strong>Josephus</strong>’ development]; one may discount the War as one-sided or invoke it only<br />
with certain reservations – a standpoint with which I agree entirely – but it is fundamentally<br />
incorrect when, instead of this, the reinterpretations of his source that <strong>Josephus</strong> undertook in<br />
the Antiquities are invoked as something better. In our entire part, the Antiquities does<br />
not contribute even a single useful segment, to the contrary, what could be<br />
useful from the War is reinterpreted [181] into a mixture that no longer has<br />
anything whatsoever to do with history. By this discovery, however, all newer<br />
presentations are deprived of any foundation based on source [analysis]; for as far as I<br />
examined them, they generally take the Antiquities as their starting point (Ewald 531,<br />
Boltzmann 217, Wellhausen, Pharisäer und Sadducäer, page 103 ff., Israelitische und jüdische<br />
Geschichte, page 319 f., Réville 94, Renan 198 f., Felten 97, Schürer 348, Bertholet 49, Otto,<br />
Herodes 17 f.), and accordingly, maintain that the <strong>Jewish</strong> aristocracy forced Hyrcanus, half<br />
against his will, to drag Herod before the Sanhedrin, who failed in a cowardly and shameful<br />
way. In truth these “principal men of the people”, behind whom one has sought the Sadducees,<br />
are nothing other than a replacement in the Antiquities for the “gossips at Herod’s court” and<br />
the discussion before the Sanhedrin is a replacement for [the discussion] before Hyrcanus.<br />
<strong>Josephus</strong> did not use some tradition or other in this; for he transfers quite superficially the<br />
traits that fit with the view of the War into the picture that he has designed afresh [in the<br />
Antiquities] and he does not use the colours that would inherently suit the new picture. Thus he<br />
writes in exclusive dependence upon the War, the view[point] of which he simply reinterprets.<br />
Together with this comes the oldest, indeed fundamental, evidence for the assertion<br />
that at that time the Sanhedrin alone was entitled by right to impose the death penalty. It is<br />
extremely important that Nicolaus was not aware of any of these things at all; on the contrary,<br />
he assumes that the king can order the death penalty (War 1.209).<br />
Granted, Juster, who has correctly drawn the same conclusion from the internal<br />
contradiction of Ant. 167 (cf. page 174), 61 thought (in the place cited [above]) that Nicolaus, who<br />
61<br />
Unfortunately he did not pay the corresponding attention to the War; the same internal<br />
contradictions exist in it. Only their origination is to be explained differently. <strong>The</strong><br />
contradiction arose within the Antiquities by virtue of <strong>Josephus</strong>’ reinterpretation of the<br />
narrative of the War, [while] the War was corrupted only later as a result of the new theory of<br />
the Antiquities, which was retroactively incorporated into the War. For this reason the two<br />
layers can be easily separated from each other in the War, whereas in the Antiquities they have<br />
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