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The Jewish Historian Flavius Josephus: A Biographical Investigation

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We also understand, however, that <strong>Josephus</strong> did not save his work by such means. <strong>The</strong><br />

Greek grammarians, one of whom — Dionysius of Halicarnassus (Comp. 4) — counted Polybius<br />

among unbearable authors, had to give preference at all times to the skilful belletrist and<br />

formalist Justus, even should they have been as convinced of <strong>Josephus</strong>’ objectivity and love of<br />

truth as we are — not. Thus <strong>Josephus</strong> never could release the new presentation of the war<br />

together with the continuation into the present as he had envisaged in 93/94. Justus’<br />

competition had beaten him.<br />

[36] For our subsequent investigation, however, we shall bear in mind that in the year<br />

93 <strong>Josephus</strong> retained the thought of publishing his war history in a modified form. Had he<br />

perhaps drafted some preparatory work for this in the years 93 – 100?<br />

3. Justus in <strong>Josephus</strong>’ self-portrayal<br />

One error tends to induce more. If, as a start, <strong>Josephus</strong>’ battle against Justus is<br />

transferred to the political arena, then it was inevitably associated with the observation,<br />

unavoidable to any reader, that the bulk of the Life is a writing of political defence. Hence the<br />

conclusion: outside the insertion as well, i.e. even where he does not name him, <strong>Josephus</strong> turns<br />

against Justus, and the entire self-portrayal is nothing but a reply to Justus’ political attacks.<br />

<strong>The</strong> conclusion collapses with the supposition: should one encounter in Justus the literarybookselling<br />

competitor, whose writing provoked <strong>Josephus</strong>’ train of thought now familiar to us,<br />

and should the remainder of the self-portrayal be pursuing the goal of political defence above<br />

all, then the two have nothing to do with each other, and the παρέκβασις, which the author<br />

himself senses as disruptive (367), is that which its name already proclaims, [namely] an<br />

insertion that does not belong to the surrounding [text and] that has some other purpose. We<br />

may entertain even fewer doubts about this since the same attacks against Justus can also be<br />

detected in the writing against Apion and it is out of the question here that the contents of the<br />

writing had been influenced by the combat against Justus. If conversely, the combat against<br />

Justus is designated as παρέκβασις also in the writing against Apion (57), then we may<br />

conclude from the parallel designations that the insertions have the same character: they have<br />

nothing to do with the theme that is actually under discussion [within those writings].<br />

35

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