The Jewish Historian Flavius Josephus: A Biographical Investigation
The Jewish Historian Flavius Josephus: A Biographical Investigation
The Jewish Historian Flavius Josephus: A Biographical Investigation
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[153] First we learn that the Jews had participated in the piracy at sea and that Hyrcanus had<br />
been held responsible for this (Diodorus) even though he tried to pass the fault on to<br />
Aristobulus (Ant. 43). <strong>The</strong> incidents that are alluded to here must have taken place during the<br />
reign of Hyrcanus; because the Romans explain that he had deserved even worse punishment<br />
for his acts of violence than [just] his fall [from power]; only in this way can the fact that<br />
Hyrcanus was held responsible be explained as well. Now, Aristobulus lost the rule in the year<br />
63 after a reign of three years and six months (Ant. 14.97); he therefore began [to rule] around<br />
late 67 or early 66. According to this, Hyrcanus, who had ruled before him, was king in the year<br />
67, [which was] well known as the year of the war against the pirates. <strong>The</strong> calculation fits<br />
perfectly; but we shall also understand it factually that the piracy, which had its headquarters<br />
in Cilicia etc., surged towards Judaea as well, even though up to now the concept of pirates has<br />
not really been associated with that of the Jews due to the one-sided sources. From the<br />
participation of the Jews in piracy it finally becomes understandable that when Pompey then<br />
immediately [154] settled matters conclusively, he cut the Jews off from the sea by taking<br />
their harbours away from them (War 1.156).<br />
A second point that springs to the eye is the substantially different view[point] in<br />
which Hyrcanus was seen. Indeed, we have already established that the War, which copied<br />
Nicolaus more closely, by no means emphasized Hyrcanus’ inactivity in the same way as does<br />
the Antiquities; <strong>The</strong>ophanes - Strabo confirm this view; because Hyrcanus appears as a powerful<br />
personality in Diodorus and this still shows through in Ant. 43. His conflict with Aristobulus<br />
does not have him appear any more the weakling [either], and as a result, what was<br />
conjectured above on page 140 is in fact proven, [namely] that the lines of thought about<br />
Hyrcanus’ weakness are nothing other than a means that <strong>Josephus</strong> employed in the Antiquities<br />
in order to formulate his new bias.<br />
(page 147), which had become superfluous, and as a result belongs to the same category as the<br />
theme of bribery discussed in the same place, which <strong>Josephus</strong> reinterpreted in order to explain<br />
Pompey’s attack against Aristobulus without taking Antipater’s side in doing so. When<br />
Gabinius also is mentioned as [having been] bribed in this passage (section 37) besides Scaurus,<br />
about whose bribery <strong>Josephus</strong> had reported, then it is not impossible that Strabo offered<br />
grounds for this purpose, but it seems more likely to me that <strong>Josephus</strong> spun this assertion out<br />
of section 55 ff. and transferred it here in order to set the scene for Pompey’s attack against<br />
Aristobulus. In any case it is dangerous to wish to apply this as history as do Drumann-Groebe<br />
3.42 and many others. Cf. page 155 f. for the influence of the War on section 47.<br />
135