The Jewish Historian Flavius Josephus: A Biographical Investigation
The Jewish Historian Flavius Josephus: A Biographical Investigation
The Jewish Historian Flavius Josephus: A Biographical Investigation
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established a position for himself that drew its power from his relationship with the zealots<br />
and the robbers. He, who had been sent to Galilee in order to disarm them, ultimately became<br />
their leader. <strong>The</strong> word “war” or anything at all that is associated with it still does not occur<br />
even now; but it is still significant that <strong>Josephus</strong>’ appointment as commander of Galilee is<br />
reported (310 ff.) between the next to last defection of the Tiberians (273), which was directed<br />
only against the person of <strong>Josephus</strong>, and the last [defection] in which <strong>Josephus</strong> saw an offence<br />
against the freedom of the Jews (381 ff.). That which up to now had affected him personally<br />
has, as a result, become a concern of the Jews.<br />
We notice a very similar evolution with respect to Sepphoris. From the outset this town<br />
was basically friendly to the Romans and therefore remained neutral in the entire conflict<br />
between <strong>Josephus</strong> and John (124; 232). Since it is this antagonism, however, that initially<br />
determines all of <strong>Josephus</strong>’ doings, he therefore is not necessarily malevolently inclined<br />
towards the town; on the contrary, he protects it when it is attacked because of its Romanfriendly<br />
attitude (30/31). And even the authorities in Jerusalem see absolutely nothing<br />
questionable in this attitude of [120] Sepphoris; for the delegation debates <strong>Josephus</strong>’ qualities<br />
quite calmly with the Sepphorites. In so doing the Sepphorites, for their part, have no guilty<br />
conscience with respect to the <strong>Jewish</strong> envoys (232). All this demonstrates that initially it could<br />
in no way have been the issue of the “war” that determined <strong>Josephus</strong>’ policy in Galilee. At the<br />
end of the writing the view shifts slightly: When the Sepphorites find <strong>Josephus</strong> otherwise<br />
occupied, they – relying upon the strength of their walls – request that Cestius Gallus occupy<br />
their town. <strong>Josephus</strong>, however, pre-empts him, occupies Sepphoris (373 ff.) and this evolves<br />
into a genuine battle against the Romans (394 ff.). Once again the nomination of <strong>Josephus</strong> as<br />
strategos of Galilee comes between the appearance of the delegation in Sepphoris, which<br />
showed itself to be friendly to the Romans without any misgivings, and <strong>Josephus</strong>’ attack on<br />
Sepphoris on account of its attempt to join Rome. Thus the reversal in the relationships must<br />
have set in at this time: the zealots and the robbers have now firmly established <strong>Josephus</strong>’<br />
position by means of their power and are therefore in a position to push him towards a more<br />
active policy in accordance with theirs: we, from posterity, see the dawning of the battle<br />
against Rome, the great decisive war, but when <strong>Josephus</strong> composed his administrative report<br />
he did not even remotely imagine that the skirmishes with the Romans that set in at the end of<br />
the writing formed a part of the war that was to end with the destruction of Jerusalem. <strong>The</strong><br />
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