The Jewish Historian Flavius Josephus: A Biographical Investigation
The Jewish Historian Flavius Josephus: A Biographical Investigation
The Jewish Historian Flavius Josephus: A Biographical Investigation
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Polybius had half a library resting on his writing table before himself while he was recounting<br />
Hannibal’s War, then this is fundamentally wrong; at first he probably always based the<br />
individual parts on one source alone, however, new sources and new insights likely continued<br />
to pour in for him afterwards. His work, no less than that of <strong>Josephus</strong>, did not arise by means of<br />
a simultaneous interspersion of various sources, but rather by means of taking one source as a<br />
basis and subsequently inserting new sources and a new view, respectively. And if today I have<br />
outgrown my Polybius in one respect, then this did not happen in the direction that my critics<br />
were hoping, rather I have, to the contrary, perhaps not considered the origination of the text<br />
with sufficient fluidity there. Our task is therefore not systematic [analysis] but historical<br />
stratification [Zergliederung] of the texts and the path to this, wherever external aids [can]not<br />
intervene, is the internal analysis of the text starting from the sole [242] premise that the<br />
writer was a rational being.<br />
Due to the condition and manner of ancient tradition such external aids must<br />
necessarily be lacking; in this respect medieval source criticism is in a much more favourable<br />
[position] since it has at its disposal manuscripts, which stand directly in contact with the<br />
authors. <strong>The</strong>refore from here one could expect a clarification of the problem that is occupying<br />
us, and this hope was not to be deceived. My colleague Vigener most kindly showed me the<br />
world chronicle by Ekkehard of Aura, the various versions of which provide such an<br />
astonishing exemplification of what I maintain in my Polybius and <strong>Josephus</strong> that I [shall] briefly<br />
assemble the main facts in the conviction that everyone who is engaged in historical works<br />
and their origination can draw the greatest benefit from this.<br />
When in the year 1106 Ekkehard of Aura decided to compose a world chronicle up to<br />
that year, he based it upon the Chronicle by Frutolf of Michelsberg (Breslau, Neues Archiv 21,<br />
page 197), [which was] written in a spirit [that was] absolutely loyal to the emperor. This<br />
Chronicle had continued up to the year 1101, yet Ekkehard adopted his source only up to the<br />
year 1099, and enriched it with a supplement encompassing the years 1099 - 1106. In contrast<br />
to Frutolf, Ekkehard took the side of Henry IV’s sons and the papacy. He lent distinct<br />
expression to this attitude of his in the supplement that he created, whereas in the parts that<br />
were dependent on Frutolf he subscribed to [Frutolf’s] political view and changed these [parts]<br />
only in a few points (cf. Karl Gold, Dissertation, Greifswald, 1916, page 41). Thus it could happen<br />
the authorities in Jerusalem.<br />
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