The Jewish Historian Flavius Josephus: A Biographical Investigation
The Jewish Historian Flavius Josephus: A Biographical Investigation
The Jewish Historian Flavius Josephus: A Biographical Investigation
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Thus far things are quite clear. But now the more difficult question subsequently arises,<br />
where is the original version and where the modified [one]. In other words: Did <strong>Josephus</strong><br />
originally see an opponent solely in John and only later add the trend against the Tiberians or<br />
did he originally hold the Tiberians to be equally at fault and only later delete them from this<br />
enmity? Is the version of the War or that of the Life earlier? — Here one must first of all bear in<br />
mind that the focus on John’s hostility totally corresponds to the context of the War; because<br />
here the author structures the narrative in such a way that first <strong>Josephus</strong>’ general<br />
administration is described, and then it is reported how the hostility of John (585 ff.) alone is<br />
raised against it. <strong>The</strong>refore those passages of the War that do not have any model in the Life<br />
(ἐπίβουλος ἀνὴρ 585 = τὰ περὶ τὴν ἐπιβουλήν 616; ἀρετὴν ἡγούμενος τὴν ἀπάτην 586 = ἀπάταις<br />
διαφθείρων 615) correspond to the general characterization that <strong>Josephus</strong> gives of John (585<br />
ff.). <strong>The</strong> focus on [83] the person of John thus agrees with the structure of the Life and<br />
therefore has been suitably adjusted [zurecht gemacht]. 30<br />
On the other hand, one could also think that the Life is directed against Justus of<br />
Tiberias, if we simply accept it just as it is and set aside everything that has been established<br />
in the preceding chapters. Consequently it may also be said: a focus against the Tiberians is<br />
justified by the purpose of the Life, therefore an adjustment [Zurechtmachung] exists here and<br />
the original [version] lies in the War. One sees that a line of reasoning has been applied here<br />
that can be twisted in both directions and thus appears useless, therefore we must attempt to<br />
reach our goal by another path. For this purpose we present a second pronounced discrepancy<br />
between the two narratives, which has remained just as unnoticed as the previous group.<br />
<strong>Josephus</strong> flees to Tarichea in the Life (96), and hence it is the inhabitants of this town (οἱ<br />
τὴν πόλιν ταύτην κατοικοῦντες 97) who take up arms in order to avenge <strong>Josephus</strong> and who<br />
subsequently call the Galileans to battle. In contrast, according to the report of the War<br />
<strong>Josephus</strong> flees “to the middle of the sea” (619), thus he does not come to Tarichea, and hence<br />
the Taricheans must cease to apply as <strong>Josephus</strong>’ avengers: it is his soldiers who take up arms<br />
(620) while the Galileans, who according to the Life were incited by the Taricheans, gather<br />
30<br />
Evidently connected to this [is the fact] that John has been inserted into the Dabaritta story<br />
of the War as well. From the oldest version (Life 134) it emerges that Jesus primarily agitated<br />
against <strong>Josephus</strong>. When <strong>Josephus</strong> then composed the War, he set John beside, or rather, before<br />
Jesus (599). For everyone who has recognized <strong>Josephus</strong>’ method of working, it is certain that<br />
John had nothing to do with this context, as the oldest report proves.<br />
75