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The Jewish Historian Flavius Josephus: A Biographical Investigation

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idea of the war κατ’ ἐξοχήν is still completely missing.<br />

It is hereby quite abundantly confirmed yet again that the administrative report is<br />

older than the War; for when <strong>Josephus</strong> was composing this [War], he had already come to the<br />

definite realization, to which he remained true later on, that his posting to Galilee followed<br />

upon the outbreak of the great war. <strong>The</strong>re is no trace of this to be found here yet. But we can<br />

still go one step further.<br />

<strong>The</strong> core segments of the Life that we have considered are nothing other than an<br />

administrative report of <strong>Josephus</strong> with its apologetic bias, which lies in the nature of the<br />

matter. It was to prove that the measures taken by <strong>Josephus</strong> in Galilee were [121] correct and<br />

necessary. Besides verbal attacks, <strong>Josephus</strong>’ opponents had made use of their pens in order to<br />

undermine <strong>Josephus</strong>’ position. <strong>The</strong>y had sent letters (γράμματα, ἐπιστολαί) to Jerusalem in<br />

which they had set forth their grievances against <strong>Josephus</strong>. By clever surveillance of the routes<br />

<strong>Josephus</strong> gained possession of such writings in which he naturally, from his point of view,<br />

could recognize only falsehood and defamation (245, 260/1). Admittedly, we learn in particular<br />

only that the accusation was raised in these writings against <strong>Josephus</strong> that he was aspiring to<br />

tyranny. But precisely this accusation is the one that was taken up again by the delegation<br />

from Jerusalem (302) – evidently they therefore acquired a good part of their information from<br />

the γράμματα of the Galileans. Now, the entire problem, which arose out of <strong>Josephus</strong>’ peculiar<br />

relationship with the Galileans on the one side and with the robbers on the other, is essentially<br />

contained in the accusation that <strong>Josephus</strong> is aspiring to tyranny; and for that reason <strong>Josephus</strong>’<br />

defence writing, available to us [now], seeks to refute in detail the accusation that he is truly a<br />

tyrant. This is why <strong>Josephus</strong> constantly stresses the love and veneration, which were his to<br />

enjoy everywhere in Galilee, and it is quite delightful to observe in detail how the entire<br />

writing presents a defence against the attacks levied against him. 42<br />

If this is now the case, however, then a writing is at hand, [which has the] definite<br />

[purpose] of producing a direct temporary effect: in it <strong>Josephus</strong> responds to the Galileans’<br />

42 Thus <strong>Josephus</strong> responds to the accusation of an opulent [lifestyle] (284) by the reference to<br />

his morally strict living (259); when the committee – evidently under the effect of the<br />

γράμματα again, of course – raised the accusation of a poor administration against <strong>Josephus</strong><br />

(249), then he responds to this in 198; 206/7; 251. Conversely, from his constant emphasis that<br />

he wished to settle the disputes without bloodshed (103, 244, 369), we may well draw the<br />

conclusion that the charge was raised against him that he had prevailed only by force, as is<br />

107

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