The Jewish Historian Flavius Josephus: A Biographical Investigation

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existing older book, then it would be possible after all that the expansion had been inserted after the death of [the person] to whom the first version of the work had been dedicated. 10 [25] Henceforth matters lie otherwise: by virtue of its twofold attack against Justus, the writing Contra Apionem is likewise dated to the period following 100 thereby eliminating any possibility of equating the Epaphroditus, to whom this writing was dedicated similarly to the Antiquities, with Nero’s freedman who was killed before the year 96. On the other hand, the Epaphroditus to whom Josephus dedicated his works is undoubtedly an outstanding character as is apparent from the forms of address κράτιστε ἀνδπῶν Ἐπαφρόδιτε (Life 430; Contra Apionem 1.1) and τιμιώτατέ μοι Ἐπαφρόδιτε (Contra Apionem 2.1), and unreliable as any identification based on equivalent name must be by its very nature, one may nonetheless expect from the outset to find our Epaphroditus among otherwise well-known characters of this name. Josephus describes his patron as a man who was devoted to every form of education, but who especially took pleasure in examining historical events because he himself had experienced so many vicissitudes in his life whereby he had distinguished himself throughout by physical strength and outstanding virtue. It was he who urged Josephus to compose the Antiquities, just as he always spurred the ambition of those who were able to accomplish something beautiful or beneficial (Ant. 1.8). But we must recognize in him the one who inspired the writing Contra Apionem as well; for it concludes with the significant words: “this and the preceding book have been composed for you who love the truth above all, and for your sake, for those who like you wish to learn something about our people” (2.296). 11 It follows from the ὁμοίως that Epaphroditus wished to learn something about the Jews; therefore he probably provided the inspiration. But it is more remarkable that Josephus should claim to have considered his larger 10 Such a case occurred, for example with Cornelius Nepos, whose book is extant in a second edition. It is dedicated to Atticus whose death is nonetheless assumed in additions (Hannibal 13.1; Atticus 19 ff.). Similarly, the chronicle of Apollodorus was published in 145 and dedicated to King Attalus who died in 138. Apollodorus then supplemented this work with an addition that extended at least to 120/19, and thus was not written down until after this point in time. Nevertheless this expanded work also remained dedicated to Attalus as we learn from [the fact] that Pseudo-Scymnus was acquainted on the one hand with the dedication to Attalus, on the other hand with the additions to the second edition (Jacoby, Philologische Untersuchungen 16.16); therefore both existed in the same manuscript. The basis upon which Jacoby’s incorrect assumptions are founded is invalidated by the reference to Nepos. 11 σοὶ δὲ Ἐπαφρόδιτε μαλιστα τὴν ἀλήθειαν ἀγαπῶντι καὶ διὰ σὲ τοῖς ὁμοίως βουλησομένοις περὶ τοῦ γένους ἡμῶν εἰδέναι τοῦτο καὶ τὸ πρὸ αὐτοῦ γεγράφθω βιβλίον. 26
public only for the sake of Epaphroditus (διὰ σὲ). Does he mean by this that the book was basically intended only for Epaphroditus, and now that it was already written “for [26] his sake” others should read it as well? Is this a politeness formula or does something else not lie behind it? In Suidas s.v. Ἐπαφρόδιτος῎῍ we learn of the scholarly grammarian Epaphroditus; he was a slave born in Chaeronea who arrived as such in the house of the Alexandrian grammarian Archias. Modestus, the governor of Egypt, purchased him and took him along to Rome to educate his son, where he granted him freedom; because an extant statue in the Villa Altieri in Rome bears the name M. Mettius Epaphroditus grammaticus graecus (CIL 6.9454). 13 According to Suidas, Epaphroditus engaged in outstanding activities in Rome under Nero until Nerva, at the same time that Πτολεμαῖος ὁ Ἡφαιστίωνος and many other τῶν ὀνομαστῶν ἐν παιδείᾳ were active there. This temporal association does not at first seem unambiguous; for the period during which Πτολεμαῖος ὁ Ἡφαιστίωνος himself was active is set under Trajan and Hadrian by Suidas himself s.v. Πτολεμαῖος. Therefore, if one were to force both statements, then Ptolemy and Epaphroditus would not be contemporaries, contrary to Suidas’ claim. To be sure, it is generally admitted that the phrase γεγονὼς ἐπί τε Τραϊανοῦ καὶ Ἁδριανοῦ τῶν αὐτοκρατόρων can in fact not be taken too narrowly, but the same must not be applied any less to the formula διέπρεψεν ἐπὶ Νέρωνος καὶ μέχρι Νέρβα. In his now-famous essay about γέγονε in the biographical notes of Suidas, Erwin Rohde has indicated that the datings in Suidas’ articles are to some extent completely schematic. (Kleine Schriften 1.130.) “Whoever cannot be easily dated to Trajan, will have to put up with being dated to Nero. Wherever a completely definitive fact cannot be firmly fixed, the reigns of Galba, Otho, Vitellius, Vespasian, Titus, Domitian, Nerva are hardly ever found to be used for identifying an author’s ἀκμὴ. This observation is correct, but [27] still requires an additional remark; for the very dating used in the article about Επαπηροδιτυσ ἐπὶ Νέρωνος καὶ μέχρι Νέρβα, which covers the omitted period of time [mentioned] by Rohde, recurs again elsewhere; certainly most significantly 14 in reference to Apollonius of Tyana. About him it is written καὶ ἤκμαζε μὲν ἐπὶ Κλαυδίου καὶ Γαΐου καὶ Νέρωνος καὶ μέχρι Νέρβα. If Suidas does not write here 13 Cf. page 28, footnote. 14 Cf. E. Rohde, loc. cit. page 119, note 2 concerning the dating of Διονύσιος Ἀλεξανδρεὺς that is related to this. 27
Page 1 and 2: RICHARD LAQUEUR THE JEWISH HISTORIA
Page 3 and 4: Table of Contents Chapter I. Joseph
Page 5 and 6: dealing with Josephus’ life has e
Page 7 and 8: (cod. 33) as having occurred in the
Page 9 and 10: lines together with the statement a
Page 11 and 12: life, the author refers to the [7]
Page 13 and 14: Had the Roman emperors, or whomever
Page 15 and 16: written better than all others, why
Page 17 and 18: argument (345 - 353) deals with the
Page 19 and 20: (Life 337), the unnamed author does
Page 21 and 22: suppose that they appear to be the
Page 23 and 24: in the Life that he had presented h
Page 25: 2. Josephus and Epaphroditus The di
Page 29 and 30: It is already clear according to th
Page 31 and 32: Josephus had not dedicated his firs
Page 33 and 34: us the answer. It was he who pushed
Page 35 and 36: We also understand, however, that J
Page 37 and 38: the intervening words “when I arr
Page 39 and 40: 32 - 42 and 64 ff. therefore do not
Page 41 and 42: have become aware of this problem,
Page 43 and 44: nothing. The best proof of this, be
Page 45 and 46: Ἰοῦστος καὶ ... συν
Page 47 and 48: the same fate as the other segments
Page 49 and 50: author inserts the reason for which
Page 51 and 52: presentation of the War did not yet
Page 53 and 54: complement — must appear the asse
Page 55 and 56: circumstances, he withholds the plu
Page 57 and 58: attack of the Dabarittans different
Page 59 and 60: with the War — in contrast, in 13
Page 61 and 62: sent to Josephus’ house from the
Page 63 and 64: went away, even though displeased,
Page 65 and 66: extremely severe action against thi
Page 67 and 68: 137 - 145: by the use of these the
Page 69 and 70: sections in comparison with War I,
Page 71 and 72: can now also determine when this ad
Page 73 and 74: τοῦ σώματος ἕνεκα
Page 75 and 76: Thus far things are quite clear. Bu
Page 77 and 78:
the Life contains the earlier view.
Page 79 and 80:
Life 99 and War 622 correspond to e
Page 81 and 82:
[Josephus’] following of Tarichea
Page 83 and 84:
wherever the Tiberians are spoken o
Page 85 and 86:
Now that matters and their developm
Page 87 and 88:
source is not necessarily the bette
Page 89 and 90:
conducting the war against Rome. Ev
Page 91 and 92:
set up “for future security”: h
Page 93 and 94:
the old administrative report [in]
Page 95 and 96:
they sent off the legation”; yet
Page 97 and 98:
hold? It is understandable that Jos
Page 99 and 100:
same situation as [the one] that Jo
Page 101 and 102:
confront John with hostility. This
Page 103 and 104:
threaten with death anyone who woul
Page 105 and 106:
on the contrary, it follows as a co
Page 107 and 108:
idea of the war κατ’ ἐξοχ
Page 109 and 110:
ather the conflict between the Roma
Page 111 and 112:
language the work that he has previ
Page 113 and 114:
the Greek language, would thereby b
Page 115 and 116:
ff.) - to the point of falsifying f
Page 117 and 118:
about the distant past, the War the
Page 119 and 120:
asic concept, to all Hellenistic ri
Page 121 and 122:
in the original version signifies:
Page 123 and 124:
Antiquities it is without rhyme or
Page 125 and 126:
But how then is one to explain Hyrc
Page 127 and 128:
Hyrcanus proposed to him; because t
Page 129 and 130:
demand, which he considered to be b
Page 131 and 132:
esult. Diodorus (frg. 40.2) reports
Page 133 and 134:
acquire citizenship again, so to sp
Page 135 and 136:
[153] First we learn that the Jews
Page 137 and 138:
first comes to Damascus and then go
Page 139 and 140:
this sense, for example, Schürer,
Page 141 and 142:
which derive without exception from
Page 143 and 144:
he truly sang the praises of Jewish
Page 145 and 146:
safety [away] from Mithridates. Thi
Page 147 and 148:
a result, contrary to his expectati
Page 149 and 150:
confirmed by Caesar’s decree [quo
Page 151 and 152:
following the narratives discussed
Page 153 and 154:
[174] Furthermore, in War 211 Sextu
Page 155 and 156:
Antiquities from the outset, which
Page 157 and 158:
the expansion as well. The sentence
Page 159 and 160:
portrayal [of Josephus’ developme
Page 161 and 162:
Sanhedrin has not been transmitted
Page 163 and 164:
this fact, to be sure, but devalues
Page 165 and 166:
other side of the Jordan. Malichus
Page 167 and 168:
talents. And yet this cannot be cor
Page 169 and 170:
the Antiquities, which shine with J
Page 171 and 172:
also responsible for this, Josephus
Page 173 and 174:
information about Herod’s executi
Page 175 and 176:
other than such reworkings as we ha
Page 177 and 178:
Silo by Antigonus only for one mont
Page 179 and 180:
Machairas’ true intention, that h
Page 181 and 182:
has been consulted here as well, as
Page 183 and 184:
[Leidenschaft ] straight through Le
Page 185 and 186:
corrected accordingly. 16. The conq
Page 187 and 188:
supplementary source [Zusatzquelle]
Page 189 and 190:
Herodians, yet he still blames the
Page 191 and 192:
War here as well; 79 however, it is
Page 193 and 194:
convictions to the fore with full i
Page 195 and 196:
War by means of a variety of materi
Page 197 and 198:
and how it was amplified by Josephu
Page 199 and 200:
een a historical work with document
Page 201 and 202:
Certainly it is not the pride of a
Page 203 and 204:
they provide the material from whic
Page 205 and 206:
Certainly we are not all influenced
Page 207 and 208:
appreciating the inner development
Page 209 and 210:
we owe an excellent treatment of th
Page 211 and 212:
abandoned (cf. pages 33 ff. and 270
Page 213 and 214:
that within the same work the state
Page 215 and 216:
At any rate, with Josephus we have
Page 217 and 218:
authority of the government in Jeru
Page 219 and 220:
obbers that ultimately tipped the p
Page 221 and 222:
he wished to cover something up and
Page 223 and 224:
viewing the Great War as a [single]
Page 225 and 226:
provided to have Agrippa [257] gran
Page 227 and 228:
exchange he placed their books on t
Page 229 and 230:
Josephus after all, had died when J
Page 231 and 232:
sense as well: Josephus makes excus
Page 233 and 234:
So the year 100 drew near; after th
Page 235 and 236:
family’s past and to incorporate
Page 237 and 238:
authenticity of his genealogy in hi
Page 239 and 240:
een almost obsolete; for soon after
Page 241 and 242:
“received the truth with pleasure
Page 243:
cause to bend before the Christians
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The Jewish Historian Flavius Josephus: A Biographical Investigation

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