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The Jewish Historian Flavius Josephus: A Biographical Investigation

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death along the Rhein, in Gaul and in the empire; nor has <strong>Josephus</strong> himself ever referred to<br />

these incidents in his narrative, it is a deliberate attempt to mislead the readers. But which<br />

ones? Truly not the Romans, about whose state [Staat] a scathing judgment is passed here,<br />

which stands in direct contradiction to Agrippa’s speech, therefore the Jews [were to be<br />

misled]. Excuses are now made before them for the “innovators” who no longer bear the<br />

dishonourable name of “the robbers”. <strong>Josephus</strong> then also bears no misgivings at all about<br />

underscoring his own participation in the war against Rome here; certainly with this he wishes<br />

above all to emphasize his precise knowledge of the events in order to derive his qualification<br />

as a historian from it; but by contrast to a parallel passage such as Contra Apionem 1.48, for<br />

example, he skips over his connection to the Romans here. Obviously he is determined to<br />

elaborate his <strong>Jewish</strong> standpoint.<br />

<strong>The</strong> designation of <strong>Josephus</strong> as priest serves the same double purpose. In the first<br />

edition of the War <strong>Josephus</strong> did not make any use of his priestly status (2.568); but in the<br />

Antiquities he did indeed consciously parade his Hasmonean ancestry, and attacked the<br />

Herodians on this basis, and we remember in addition that in the later years of his life<br />

<strong>Josephus</strong> even derived his suitability as a historian again from his priestly lineage and status<br />

(page 34). An exhaustive study of the War will surely be able to identify even more traces of<br />

<strong>Josephus</strong>’ action on his manuscript in those years [266] in which he had committed himself<br />

to the new adaptation of the War as a particularly important objective; for the direction that<br />

<strong>Josephus</strong> had stumbled upon would not be abandoned so quickly by him again. <strong>The</strong> patronage<br />

of Epaphroditus remained intact, as far as we can actually track <strong>Josephus</strong>, and so he was<br />

lacking every reason, indeed even any possibility, to re-establish his connection to Rome.<br />

Conversely, the Antiquities had met with the approval of Epaphroditus, for it was he who also<br />

motivated [<strong>Josephus</strong>] to the new writing against Apion, in which he now attempted a<br />

systematic defence corresponding to the historical apology of Judaism that was provided in<br />

the Antiquities and was being planned for the new edition of the War. Truly <strong>Josephus</strong> made an<br />

honest effort to clear away his guilt towards Jewry [Judentum]; unfortunately we do not know<br />

to what extent [the Jews], on their part, responded to these efforts; for <strong>Josephus</strong>, preserving<br />

Epaphroditus’ patronage remained a goal later on and this certainly has us suspect that he had<br />

not been completely forgiven.<br />

addition. <strong>The</strong> dating of this same [segment] follows from what was noted in the text.<br />

232

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