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The Anthropology Of Genocide - WNLibrary

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justifying genocide 107<br />

tions (McManamon 1999). This systematic erasure of peoples and cultures was<br />

justified according to the following assumptions about contemporary native groups:<br />

(a) eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Indian populations were not seen building<br />

or using the mound complexes of Ohio or the Mississippi Valley, and supposedly<br />

had no knowledge of who had built them; (b) they were thought to be too primitive<br />

to have constructed anything on the scale of structures such as Monk’s Mound<br />

at the Mississippian site of Cahokia in Illinois, which was over a hundred feet high<br />

with a footprint close to that of the Great Pyramid at Giza; (c) “tablets” with “writing”<br />

purportedly found in some of the mounds were interpreted as having an Old<br />

World origin (suggestions for these pre-Columbian travelers ranged from wandering<br />

Egyptians to disoriented Welshmen); and (d) the moundbuilders were obviously<br />

much older than any contemporary Indian group, based on what later turned out<br />

to be erroneous tree-ring dating techniques applied to some of the mounds.<br />

<strong>The</strong>re were some early challenges to the view that contemporary Indian cultures<br />

could not have been associated with the moundbuilding cultures. Thomas<br />

Jefferson is one of the best known of those early skeptics. He based his interpretation<br />

on mounds he excavated on his own property rather than on speculative and<br />

racist assumptions of the cultural sophistication of contemporary Indian groups.<br />

Significantly, however, it was not until the end of the century, when Indian resistance<br />

to colonial advances and appropriations was beginning to wane, that the<br />

Bureau of American Ethnology in Washington hired an entomologist from Illinois<br />

by the name of Cyrus Thomas to systematically investigate the origins of the<br />

mounds. In his multivolume report submitted to the bureau in 1894, Thomas concluded<br />

that the mounds were not as old as originally claimed; there was solid evidence<br />

suggesting continuity between contemporary Indian burial practices and<br />

those seen in the mounds; and the de Soto expedition in the seventeenth century<br />

had observed and reported the construction and use of such mounds by tribes in<br />

the southeast, many of which had been decimated by disease and warfare by the<br />

time the first colonists arrived in the area.<br />

Robert Silverberg, in his study of the Moundbuilder Myth, concluded that the<br />

idea of a vanished race of Old World origin was politically motivated, in part because<br />

it was “comforting to the conquerors” (1989:48). Why “comforting”? Kenneth<br />

Feder argues more explicitly as follows:<br />

Perhaps if the Indians were not the builders of the mounds and the bearers of a culture<br />

that impressed even the rather ethnocentric European colonizers of America, it<br />

made wiping out the presumably savage and primitive natives less troublesome. And,<br />

if Europeans could further convince themselves that the Indians were very recent interlopers—in<br />

fact, the very invaders who had savagely destroyed the gentle and civilized<br />

Moundbuilders—so much the better. And if, finally, it could be shown that the<br />

Moundbuilders were, in actuality, ancient European travelers to the Western Hemisphere,<br />

the circle was complete. In destroying the Indian people, Europeans in the<br />

18th and 19th centuries could rationalize that they were...merely reclaiming terri

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