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The Anthropology Of Genocide - WNLibrary

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developments in international law 319<br />

that is difficult to determine with precision in the absence of a sincere confession<br />

or public admission by the accused. <strong>The</strong> chamber provided another jurisprudential<br />

roadway by maintaining that in the absence of a confession, the accused’s intent<br />

can be inferred from a number of presumptions of fact. <strong>The</strong> chamber reasoned<br />

that “it is possible to deduce the genocidal intent inherent in a particular act<br />

charged from the general context of the perpetration of other culpable acts systematically<br />

directed against that same group, whether these acts were committed<br />

by the same offender or by others” (ibid.:§6.3.1). Specific factors that the chamber<br />

believed could enable it to infer the genocidal intent of a particular act included<br />

the scale of atrocities committed, their general nature, and the deliberate and systematic<br />

targeting of people because of their membership in a particular group,<br />

while excluding members of other groups.<br />

Here the chamber offers a method for judicially constructing an individual’s<br />

genocidal intent. This method involves placing an accused’s particular act(s) against<br />

a victim within the broad context of prevalent and culpable acts directed at other<br />

persons because they are members of the victim’s group, even if those acts were<br />

perpetrated by persons other than the accused. <strong>The</strong> method turns an emic category—intent—into<br />

an etic one—constructive intent. Hence an individual who attacks<br />

only one person and never explains why can be convicted of genocide (a special<br />

intent crime) as long as his one attack fits into an overall pattern of genocidal<br />

acts by others against members of the same protected group.<br />

SEXUAL VIOLENCE AS A CRIME OF GENOCIDE<br />

Those counts in the indictment charging Akayesu with the crime of genocide made<br />

no specific reference to sexual violence or rape. However, noting that the <strong>Genocide</strong><br />

Convention and Article 2(2) of the ICTR statute offer as one of the definitions of<br />

genocide the “causing [of ] serious bodily or mental harm to members of a group,”<br />

the trial chamber chose to consider sexual violence in connection with the charge<br />

of genocide. <strong>The</strong> three justices reasoned that acts of sexual violence constituted<br />

genocide provided they were committed with the specific intent to destroy, in whole<br />

or in part, a particular group—in this case, the Tutsi. Rape and sexual violence certainly<br />

constitute inflictions of “serious bodily and mental harm” on victims.<br />

In light of all the evidence before it, the chamber was satisfied that the acts of<br />

sexual violence (including rape) described by witnesses were committed solely against<br />

Tutsi women, many of whom were subjected to the worst public humiliation, mutilation,<br />

and multiple sexual violations on the municipal premises or in other public<br />

places. <strong>The</strong>se sexual attacks, the chamber concluded, resulted in physical and psychological<br />

destruction of Tutsi women, their families, and their communities. Sexual<br />

violence was an integral part of the process of destruction, specifically targeting Tutsi<br />

women and specifically contributing to the destruction of the Tutsi group as a whole.<br />

<strong>The</strong> tribunal found that Akayesu had aided and abetted the acts of sexual violence<br />

by allowing them to take place in his presence in or near the municipal build

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