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The Anthropology Of Genocide - WNLibrary

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developments in international law 321<br />

ternational Humanitarian Law Committed in the Territory of Rwanda and Rwandan Citizens<br />

Responsible for <strong>Genocide</strong> and Other Such Violations Committed in the Territory of<br />

Neighboring States between 1 January and 31 December 1994 [Hereinafter Rwandan Tribunal<br />

or ICTR]. For a discussion of the ICTR’s history, statute, and organization, see Akhavan<br />

(1996) and Magnarella (1994, 2000).<br />

4. U.N. SCOR, Statement by the President of the Security Council, 3414th mtg. at 1, U.N. Doc.<br />

S/PRST/1994/42 (1994).<br />

5. S.C. Res. 955, U.N. SCOR, 3453 mtg. at 1, U.N. Doc. S/RES/955 (1994) [Hereinafter<br />

ICTR Statute].<br />

6. For the text of the ICTR Statute defining each of these laws, see Magnarella (2000:<br />

Appendix A).<br />

7. Information in this chapter concerning Akayesu’s background, arrest, indictment, and<br />

trial comes from Prosecutor v. Akayesu 1988.<br />

8. For the full indictment, see Magnarella (2000:Appendix C).<br />

9. For a detailed presentation of witness testimonies and sources, see Magnarella<br />

(ibid.:103–8).<br />

10. Crimes Against Humanity include widespread attacks against civilian populations<br />

on political grounds.<br />

11. A number of modern scholars and early explorers have commented on the physical<br />

differences between Tutsi, Hutu, and Twa. For example, American anthropologist Helen<br />

Codere (1962:48) writes that “although there has been sufficient intermixture to blur racial<br />

lines, the majority of each caste is racially distinct. In stature, for example, the differences<br />

are striking: the average stature of the Tutsi is 1 m. 75; the Hutu 1 m. 66; and the Twa 1<br />

m. 55.” Unfortunately, Codere does not reveal the source, time, or sample size of her data.<br />

<strong>Of</strong> the Tutsi, historian Lemarchand (1970:18) writes that “physical features [of the Tutsi]<br />

suggest obvious ethnic affinities with the Galla tribes of southern Ethiopia.”<br />

Duke Frederick of Mecklenburg, who traveled through Central Africa in 1907–8, writes:<br />

<strong>The</strong> Watussi [that is, Tutsi] are a tall, well-made people with an almost ideal physique. Heights<br />

of 1.80, 2.00, and even 2.20 meters (from 5 ft. 11 1/2 in. to 7 ft. 2 1/2 in.) are of quite common<br />

occurrence,...their bronze-brown skin reminds one of the inhabitants of the more hilly parts<br />

of northern Africa. . . . Unmistakable evidences of a foreign strain are betrayed in their high<br />

foreheads, the curve of their nostrils, and the fine oval shape of their faces. (1910:47–48)<br />

During 1933–34 the Belgians conducted a census and introduced an identity card system<br />

that indicated the Tutsi, Hutu, or Twa “ethnicity” (ubwoko in Kinyarwanda, and ethnie in<br />

French) of each person. However, the Belgians “decided to classify any individual [that is,<br />

male farmer] with fewer than ten cows as a Hutu” (Vassall-Adams 1994:8). According to<br />

African Rights (1995:9), the Belgians used “ownership of cows as the key criterion for determining<br />

which group an individual belonged to. Those with ten or more cows were Tutsi—<br />

along with all their descendants in the male line—and those with less were Hutu. Those ‘recognized<br />

as Twa’ at the time of the census were given the status of Twa.” This basis for<br />

classification contributed to the physical mix found in each of the various “ethnic” categories.<br />

REFERENCES CITED<br />

African Rights. 1995. Rwanda: Death, Despair, and Defiance. London: African Rights.<br />

Akhavan, Payam. 1996. “<strong>The</strong> International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda: <strong>The</strong> Politics and<br />

Pragmatics of Punishment.” American Journal of International Law 90:501–10.

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