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The Anthropology Of Genocide - WNLibrary

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200 annihilating difference<br />

has become known as the “Lasva Valley <strong>Of</strong>fensive.” <strong>The</strong> offensive is described in<br />

several U.N. Criminal Tribunal documents in connection with indictments of HVO<br />

soldiers who are believed to have held command responsibilities during the offensive.<br />

In 1999, General Tihomir Blaskic was sentenced to forty-five years in prison<br />

by the court at the International Criminal Tribunal in <strong>The</strong> Hague for “having ordered<br />

the commission of a crime against humanity for persecution of the Muslim<br />

civilians of Bosnia in the municipalities of Vitez, Busovaca and Kiseljak.” Particularly<br />

aggravating was the massacre of 116 inhabitants, including women and children,<br />

in Ahmidi, a small village in the municipality of Vitez, an area believed to<br />

be under the command of General Blaskid. (Five other Croat military and political<br />

leaders have been indicted on the same accounts.) Although the HVO initially<br />

had considerable military and political success in carving out a Croatian “statelet,”<br />

by the summer of 1993 the HVO was losing ground to Bosnian government forces<br />

(ABiH—Armija Bosne i Hercegovine), who were also engaging in revenge attacks<br />

in central Bosnia and expelling Croats and burning and looting their homes. In Zagreb,<br />

politicians and intellectuals were becoming increasingly critical of President<br />

Tudjman’s policies in Bosnia. At a point when domestic and international criticisms<br />

against Tudjman’s war in Bosnia were running high, and the HVO continued to<br />

lose ground to the Bosnian government forces, the United States took the initiative<br />

to create a federation between the Croats and the Bosniacs in B-H. 18<br />

<strong>The</strong> Washington Agreement was signed in March 1994. <strong>The</strong> agreement set the<br />

framework for a future common administration and state structure, and provided<br />

for an immediate cessation of hostilities between the two parties. <strong>The</strong> war between<br />

the HVO and the ABiH (and by extension between the Croat and the Muslim communities)<br />

started almost a year later and ended a year and a half before the war<br />

ended between the Bosnian Serb Army (BSA) and the ABiH with the signing of<br />

the Dayton Agreement in November 1995. It had several of the characteristics of<br />

the war in Northern and Eastern Bosnia that the Bosnian Serb Army was waging<br />

against non-Serb civilians, but it was also different in many respects. It was preceded<br />

by a public rhetoric of exclusion portraying Muslims first in demeaning and<br />

dehumanizing ways, and then as attackers out to destroy the Croats. Muslim inhabitants<br />

were persecuted through campaigns of terror, expulsions, and the destruction<br />

of homes and mosques. <strong>The</strong> ferociousness of the campaign to force Muslims<br />

from territory controlled by the Croat separatists (HVO/HDZ) varied quite<br />

considerably from area to area, and particularly between Herzegovina and parts<br />

of central Bosnia. <strong>The</strong> HVO do not appear to have organized or committed mass<br />

killings on a scale comparable with that of the Bosnian Serb Army. This may be<br />

explained by several factors, though I will suggest only a few. First, the Bosnian<br />

Army was better equipped and better prepared for combat at the time when war<br />

broke out with the HVO (indeed, when the BSA attacked there was no Bosnian<br />

Army). Second, there was a vocal opposition among Croats within Bosnia, but more<br />

important within Croatia, against the war with the Sarajevo government and “the<br />

Muslims” in Bosnia. Furthermore, Croatian popular opinion as well as that of the

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