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The Anthropology Of Genocide - WNLibrary

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This apparent antinomy between the fields of meaning denoted and connoted<br />

in the words isibo and gusiba might appear illogical to someone situated outside the<br />

context of Rwandan social action. Within this context, however, this contradiction<br />

was nothing less than an ineluctable corollary to the workings of social life itself.<br />

It was its internal dialectic. Just as imaana could “flow” or be “blocked,” just<br />

as the sky could yield its fertilizing liquid in the right measure and at the right time,<br />

so could the body flow properly in health or improperly in illness. <strong>The</strong> words isibo<br />

and gusiba embody part of this recognition, the recognition that one cannot have<br />

“flow” without “blockage,” just as one cannot “milk” (gukama) without incurring<br />

the risk of depleting the environment, and one cannot give to some without withholding<br />

one’s gifts from others. Power in early Rwanda grew as much from the capacity<br />

to obstruct as from the capacity to give.<br />

It was through obstruction, impoverishment, strangulation, murder, and sorcery<br />

that the Rwandan king manifested the coercive aspect of his power over subjects<br />

and adversaries. <strong>The</strong> precolonial Rwandan polity, through its king, unabashedly<br />

proclaimed its expansionist intent in the five royal rituals directly concerned with<br />

warfare. In one such ritual, Inzira yo Kwambika Ingoma (“<strong>The</strong> Path of Adorning the<br />

Drum”), the genitals of important slain enemies were ritually prepared in order to<br />

be placed within containers and then hung upon Karinga (the most important royal<br />

drum). Early Rwandan warriors carried a special curved knife that was used to remove<br />

the genitalia of slain enemies. During this ritual the king and his ritualists<br />

would shout:<br />

Ngo twahotor Uburundi kuu ngoma<br />

N’amahang adatuur umwami w’Irwanda<br />

Twayahotora kuu ngoma<br />

(d’hertefelt and coupez 1964:176)<br />

May we strangle Burundi’s drum<br />

And all countries who do not pay tribute to Rwanda’s king<br />

May we strangle their drums.<br />

the rwandan genocide of 1994 157<br />

Women were also victims of mutilation in earlier times. In disputes between rival lineages,<br />

for example, it was common for the victors to cut off the breasts of women belonging<br />

to the vanquished group, although these were not used in the above ritual.<br />

<strong>The</strong> Rwandan monarchy manifested its control over flowing processes—rainfall,<br />

human fertility, bovine fertility, milk, and honey production—through its ritual<br />

capacity to catalyze or to interdict them. Kings thus encompassed the qualities<br />

of both “flow” and “blockage” and, in that sense, were ambiguous, “liminoid” beings,<br />

the embodiment of evil as well as good. At times of dire calamity to the polity<br />

as a whole, the king became the ultimate repository of ritual negativity, the ultimate<br />

“blocking being,” and in those instances it was his blood that had to be sacrificially<br />

shed to reopen the conduits of imaana. According to Rwandan dynastic

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