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The Anthropology Of Genocide - WNLibrary

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the rwandan genocide of 1994 175<br />

always what Evans-Pritchard has termed “sorcery,” involving the idea of the ingestion of<br />

harmful substances (even when no substances may have actually been ingested by the victim).<br />

“Les Rwandais sont obsédés par les effets néfastes de l’alimentation qui exige mille précautions,<br />

d’autant plus que la sorcellerie est toujours conçue comme un empoisonnement”<br />

(Smith 1975:133). (Rwandans are obsessed by the possible harmful effects of eating, which<br />

demands the observation of a thousand precautions, even more so because sorcery is always<br />

conceived of as poisoning.)<br />

14. It is interesting to note that among the news and political magazines that came into<br />

existence in the 1990s, there was one called Isibo. Politically speaking, Isibo was an opposition<br />

magazine representing the viewpoint of southern and central Hutu allied to the Twagiramungu<br />

faction of the MDR and opposed to the MRND and the Habyarimana regime<br />

(Chretien 1995:383). Although I have been unable to determine the significance of the magazine’s<br />

title to its promoters and readers, it does seem to indicate that the term isibo retains<br />

cultural and political significance in the modern context and possesses associations that go<br />

beyond that of sacred kingship.<br />

15. During the several days that French troops controlled the center, this man had occasion<br />

to speak with the center’s director twice on the phone. When he explained that he and<br />

other Rwandan employees marooned at the center had nothing to eat, she suggested that they<br />

take the plantains from trees growing on the center’s grounds. (None of the plantain trees<br />

were bearing fruit at the time.) When he expressed his anxiety about the unwillingness of the<br />

French troops to evacuate him and others, she told him that maybe the RPF would rescue<br />

them. (<strong>The</strong> RPF did not take this section of Kigali until almost two months later.)<br />

16. Melchior Ndadaye was Burundi’s first democratically elected president and first Hutu<br />

president. Elected in June of 1993, Ndadaye was taken prisoner in late October and then murdered<br />

(though not by impalement) by Burundian Tutsi army officers in a coup attempt. Almost<br />

universally condemned by other nations, the coup eventually failed, but not before it<br />

had provoked reprisal killings in which thousands of Tutsi civilians died and counterreprisal<br />

violence in which thousands of Hutu were killed. <strong>The</strong> coup and Ndadaye’s death served the<br />

cause of Hutu extremism in Rwanda quite well, and extremists lost no time in exploiting it.<br />

Unfortunately the extremists’ point that the Tutsi could never be trusted as partners in a<br />

democracy gained enormous credibility in Rwanda in the wake of Ndadaye’s tragic death.<br />

17. Violence against women also characterized another recent fratricidal conflict where<br />

genocidal acts occurred—Bosnia. While the logic of violence against Tutsi women in<br />

Rwanda appears to have been motivated largely by Hutu extremist fear of interethnic marriages<br />

(cf. Taylor 1999), there was an additional logic in Bosnia, though it too was of a cultural<br />

nature. Among Mediterranean societies characterized by strong notions of “honor”<br />

(cf. Pitt-Rivers 1977), much is invested in the perceived sexual purity of a group’s women.<br />

Rape, as long as it is unavenged, is not just an act that violates an individual; it is an act that<br />

subverts the honor of a family.<br />

REFERENCES CITED<br />

Assad, Talal. 1972. “Market Model, Class Structure and Consent: A Reconsideration of Swat<br />

Political Organisation.” Man 7:74–94.<br />

Barth, Fredrik. 1959. Political Leadership among the Swat Pathans. London: Athlone.<br />

Beattie, John. 1960. Bunyoro, an African Kingdom. New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston.

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