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The Anthropology Of Genocide - WNLibrary

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108 essentializing difference<br />

tory once held by ancient Europe. <strong>The</strong> Moundbuilder myth was not just the result of<br />

a harmless prank or a confusing hoax. It was part of an attempt to justify the destruction<br />

of American Indian societies. (1996:135)<br />

In this particular case archaeology initially underwrote but later challenged the ideology<br />

justifying the extermination of Native Americans on the basis of their supposed<br />

cultural inferiority and recent arrival in the Americas—but the acknowledgment<br />

of native achievement did not come until the living descendants of the<br />

populations to which the moundbuilding cultures were attributed had effectively<br />

been disenfranchised and no longer posed a legitimate threat to the colonial regime.<br />

Significant parallels to the Moundbuilder myth can be found in the history of the<br />

archaeological investigation of the ruins known as Great Zimbabwe in what was<br />

formerly the British colony of Rhodesia (Garlake 1983; Hall 1984; Kuklick 1991).<br />

Seeking to legitimate their rule, British settlers and African nationalists subscribed to<br />

very different accounts of the building of the ruins, placing their construction alternately<br />

in ancient times and the relatively recent past, and identifying the builders—<br />

or, at least the architects—either as representatives of some non-African civilization<br />

or dismissed the possibility that the Shona in the area could have built Great Zimbabwe.<br />

(Kuklick 1991: 139–40)<br />

<strong>The</strong> list of supposed non-African “builders or architects” proposed by white researchers,<br />

settlers, and politicians includes some of the same peripatetic types cited<br />

by the Moundbuilder fantabulists (minus Vikings and Welshmen): Phoenicians,<br />

Egyptians, the Lost Tribes of Israel, and so forth. As in the North American case,<br />

the local population was categorized as intellectually too degenerate to have been<br />

able to produce such sophisticated structures; later, when an African origin for the<br />

site became the accepted interpretation, the construction techniques were described<br />

as primitive, giving with one hand and taking away with the other, while maintaining<br />

the trope of the inherent inferiority of the local African peoples. A similar<br />

reversal can be found in North American archaeology post-Cyrus Thomas, where<br />

the emphasis for many years was on the cultural immutability, even stasis, of Native<br />

American peoples (Trigger 1980b). To some extent this notion is still with us<br />

today in the form of New Age interpretations of Native culture as “closer to Nature”<br />

because less evolved. This may currently be intended to be complimentary<br />

but is nevertheless part of the same legacy of denigration of the colonized by the<br />

colonizers that we already see in Tacitus, whose Germania has been described by<br />

Schama as a “backhanded compliment from Barbarism to Civilization” (1995:76). 4<br />

In this sense archaeology historically has been in the business of what Alex Hinton<br />

calls “manufacturing difference” (1998:14), which is the first step toward, and<br />

necessary precondition of, “social speciation” and, under certain conditions, genocide.<br />

As Barry Sautman has pointed out, “[M]yths of descent deployed as an instrument<br />

in the service of a modernizing, authoritarian state to artificially reconstruct<br />

the idea of a people are politically perilous....<strong>The</strong> experiences of the former

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