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The Anthropology Of Genocide - WNLibrary

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374 critical reflections<br />

humane care to vulnerable and stigmatized social groups seen as social parasites<br />

(“nursing home elderly,” “welfare queens,” “illegal aliens,” “Gomers,” etc.); the militarization<br />

of everyday life (for example, the growth of prisons, the acceptance of capital<br />

punishment, heightened technologies of personal security, such as the house<br />

gun and gated communities); social polarization and fear (that is, the perceptions of the<br />

poor, outcast, underclass, or certain racial or ethnic groups as dangerous public enemies);<br />

reversed feelings of victimization as dominant social groups and classes demand<br />

violent policing to put offending groups in their place.<br />

GETTING OVER<br />

Remorse, reconciliation, and reparation have emerged as master narratives of the<br />

late twentieth century/early twenty-first century as individuals and entire nations<br />

struggle to overcome the legacies of suffering ranging from rape and domestic violence<br />

to collective atrocities of state-sponsored dirty wars, genocides, and ethnic<br />

cleansings. Several chapters in this volume (but especially those by Linke, Ebihara<br />

and Ledgerwood, Manz, and Magnarella) discuss individual and collective attempts<br />

at reconciliation and healing, the repair of fractured bodies, broken lives, and destroyed<br />

societies after the facts of genocide.<br />

Linke presents us with a terrifying proposition—the irreversibility, the impossibility<br />

of undoing so massive a wound as the Jewish Holocaust for new generations<br />

of German youth, the children and grandchildren of perpetrators, bystanders, and,<br />

one can hope, a few just men and women. <strong>The</strong>re seems to be no exit, no escape,<br />

from that spoiled history that continues to return, like the repressed, to haunt German<br />

youth trying to reinvent themselves and to free themselves from inherited, generational<br />

guilt and complicity. <strong>The</strong>y seem altogether trapped by that history, when<br />

youth culture embraces nudity as transparency and as innocence but which also<br />

bears striking resemblances to the Nazi youth cults of the forest, the natural, the<br />

German heroic. And the childlike display of unfettered nudity is seen by Linke as a<br />

cruel, though surely unintended, parody of “naked life” in the concentration camps.<br />

In marked contrast, Ebihara and Ledgerwood present an almost uncomplicated<br />

picture of community recovery in rural Cambodia in the mere two decades following<br />

the Pol Pot regime. That which was destroyed—from Buddhism to subsistence-based<br />

peasant farming—appears to have returned relatively unscathed, while<br />

extreme demographic imbalances—the virtual absence of men in rural villages—<br />

is being corrected. Perhaps it is too soon in the history of the Khmer Rouge to assess<br />

the real damages that may, as in the German instance, return to haunt subsequent<br />

generations. It is for this reason that many recovering nations and wounded<br />

populations—from post–military dictatorship Chile to postapartheid South Africa<br />

to postgenocide Rwanda (see Magnarella, this volume)—have put their faith in international<br />

tribunals or in independent truth commissions to deal with burying<br />

the ghosts of the past. At times this has meant uncovering mass graves and re-

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