17.11.2012 Views

The Anthropology Of Genocide - WNLibrary

The Anthropology Of Genocide - WNLibrary

The Anthropology Of Genocide - WNLibrary

SHOW MORE
SHOW LESS

You also want an ePaper? Increase the reach of your titles

YUMPU automatically turns print PDFs into web optimized ePapers that Google loves.

the u.s.-mexican border region 337<br />

substantiated charges that many police forces routinely use racial profiling to target<br />

Latinos and African Americans (Cole 1999). 14 All of these activities give the<br />

Border Patrol a benign visibility that is explicitly intended to draw in civilians, including<br />

children, as participants in the state’s fight against the enemy within.<br />

Consensus about hierarchies and “enemies” also is expressed in television, films,<br />

theater, music, newspaper editorials, letters to the editor, and more, as Lowe (1996)<br />

has demonstrated. <strong>The</strong>se depict the degree to which “minorities” can deviate from<br />

the “norm” and are class specific. For example, Spanish-speakers cannot with impunity<br />

paint their house bright colors in middle-class neighborhoods. I have some<br />

Latino colleagues in California who live in a predominately Anglo neighborhood<br />

close to the university where they both work. When they painted their formerly<br />

beige house pink and started to lay out their gardens in a fashion found throughout<br />

Mexico and the Caribbean, their neighbors marched on them, demanding that<br />

their house be returned to “neighborhood standards.” 15<br />

<strong>The</strong> hegemony of “our” cultural practices and the denigration of what is represented<br />

as the less valuable parts of the social body are so strong that, according to<br />

an ABC poll several years ago, 66 percent of those surveyed favored random searches<br />

of houses, cars, and personal belongings, even if the police had no suspicion of any<br />

wrongdoing. <strong>The</strong>se searches would presumably not be in middle-class neighborhoods,<br />

but in barrios and poor working-class areas. Virtually all Americans seem<br />

willing to submit to the many Border Patrol checkpoints on north-south highways<br />

throughout the Southwest, many miles from the border itself. People have been so<br />

inoculated with the fear of “the enemy within” and with the myth about the relationship<br />

of repression to the cure of society, that they are willing to give up their own<br />

rights for what they have become convinced is the good of “their” society.<br />

Although Border Patrol agents have never been renowned for their gentleness,<br />

as the Immigration and Naturalization Service adopts and successfully implements<br />

low-intensity conflict tactics throughout the Southwest, there are new opportunities<br />

for human rights violations. <strong>The</strong>se may be directed toward suspected drug<br />

smugglers and terrorists, as well as toward illegal migrants whose labor power contributes<br />

so much to the success of neoliberal capitalism, but it could also be more<br />

often turned upon legal residents or citizens who “look like” migrants or who object<br />

to the treatment of migrants, or who are simply poor, brown skinned, and Spanish-speaking,<br />

or who live in a Latino neighborhood.<br />

POLITICAL AND SYMBOLIC VIOLENCE AGAIN<br />

Political violence, a subset of violence in general, is state-sponsored or tolerated<br />

“action taken or not taken by the state or its agents with the express intent of realizing<br />

certain social, ethnic, economic, and political goals in the realm of public<br />

affairs, especially affairs of the state or social life in general” (Nagengast 1994:114).<br />

Political violence subsumes war, terrorism, torture, and genocide. <strong>Genocide</strong> as a

Hooray! Your file is uploaded and ready to be published.

Saved successfully!

Ooh no, something went wrong!