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The Anthropology Of Genocide - WNLibrary

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the u.s.-mexican border region 333<br />

this fourth fatal shooting in San Diego County, California, in three days, witnesses<br />

also contradicted the Border Patrol version of events.<br />

Finally, in September 1999, agents shot and killed a mentally unbalanced man,<br />

a long-time legal resident of the United States who was originally from Mexico.<br />

<strong>The</strong> man allegedly had thrown rocks at a water company employee in a remote<br />

area ten miles north of the border, through which undocumented Mexicans sometimes<br />

cross. <strong>The</strong> water employee sought help from passing Border Patrol agents,<br />

who hunted the man down and opened fire on him after he threw additional rocks<br />

at them. According to the Los Angeles Times, “U.S. officials speculated at the time<br />

that he might have been an illegal border crosser or a drug smuggler” (September<br />

3, 1999:A3, A26, emphasis added).<br />

Each of these incidents is open to multiple interpretations. <strong>The</strong> Border Patrol<br />

agents might have feared for their lives; some or all of the shootings might have<br />

been the result of errors of judgment or honest mistakes. Nonetheless, “racial” and<br />

ethnic profiling by police and other agents of the state is increasingly recognized<br />

in the United States as a serious problem (Cole 1999), and these incidents and others<br />

may also be part of what critics regard as a larger and disturbing pattern of subconscious<br />

politically motivated violence against Latinos.<br />

In addition to the physical dangers to migrants entailed by the militarization of<br />

the border, there is mounting evidence of other contradictions. Because the border<br />

has become so difficult and dangerous to cross, unauthorized migrants now<br />

tend to stay longer in the United States. Children are born into citizenship and go<br />

to school here. More and more families are bootstrapping themselves out of abject<br />

poverty and, in some cases, becoming vocal critics of a system that deprives<br />

them of rights guaranteed by both the U.S. Constitution and the Universal Declaration<br />

of Human Rights (Nagengast, Stavenhagen, and Kearney 1992). Those<br />

who are forced to move back and forth across the border depend more on coyotes<br />

(professional smugglers) than they did in the past. As both the physical danger and<br />

the danger of apprehension increase, the price charged by smugglers also increases.<br />

<strong>The</strong> rate in 1994 was about seven hundred dollars per person for transport from<br />

Tijuana to Los Angeles, payable whether or not the migrant reached his or her destination<br />

(Andreas 1994:232). According to some informants, smuggler fees had increased<br />

to more than a thousand dollars by early 1999. Not only has the border<br />

become a “balloon” (squeeze it in one place and it bulges in another) but official<br />

border policies have helped to create and augment a profitable business in human<br />

trafficking, another area of human rights concern.<br />

Until mid-2000 there had been little public outcry in the United States about<br />

migrant and Latino rights outside the Latino and human rights communities themselves,<br />

in part because the stripping away of peoples’ basic human rights has been<br />

naturalized and rendered acceptable to the greater public. <strong>The</strong> 1996 changes in<br />

national legislation curtailed the economic rights of migrants/immigrants, and<br />

voter referenda in California have tried to bar the children of migrants from ac

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