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Kathryn Flack (University of Massachusetts, Amherst) Session 18Phonotactic restrictions across prosodic domainsFor any phonotactic restriction on syllable onsets and codas, it can be shown that there are corresponding restrictions on the edges ofhigher prosodic domains--words, phrases, utterances, etc. In order to account for these correspondences among restrictions on theedges of prosodic domains, I argue that any markedness constraint referring to syllable onsets (M Onset ) or codas (M Coda ) is part of aM Onset (Onset/Y) or M Coda (Coda/Y) constraint schema. Through constraint interaction, these prosodic domain-edge markednessconstraints can induce epenthesis, deletion, and metathesis at the edges of prosodic domains and can also determine a word’s prosodicstructure.Nicholas Fleisher (University of California, Berkeley) Session 46Infinitival relative standards for attributive gradable adjectivesI examine the syntax and semantics of English attributive adjectives with postnominal infinitival clauses. I am particularly concernedwith those adjectives that do not select infinitival complements, like long, and with the ‘inappropriateness’ reading associated withthem in this construction, as in the sentence Middlemarch is a long book to read in one sitting. I propose that sentences of this typeare in fact comparatives, with the infinitival clause filling the role of the than-clause in an ordinary comparative. Theinappropriateness reading falls out from basic composition of the independently motivated semantics of comparatives and infinitivalrelatives.Simeon Floyd (University of Texas-Austin) Session 104On the status of the ‘adjectival noun’ in the Quechuan languagesThe Quechuan languages are frequently described as prototypical of systems that do not formally distinguish between adjectives andnouns. I show how a close look at syntactic head-modifier relationships and at issues of discourse context can reveal a subtle formaldistinction between a large class of nouns and a smaller class of true Quechua adjectives. I use examples from my video/elicitationmaterials of the Imbabura and Cotopaxi dialects of Ecuadorian Quechua and compare them with examples from several Peruviandialects to find ways of rethinking the concept of ‘adjectival nouns’ in the Quechuan languages.Vivienne Fong (Stanford University) Session 37Verbs, sources, & goalsThe source prepositions from and out of/off are different. In manner of motion constructions, from PPs tend to require a goal phrase;out of/off tend not to. From PPs tend to require a goal phrase with atelic verbs, but not with telic verbs; out of/off are neutral. Thesetendencies are unaccounted for in discussions of the Goal Path bias. I propose different semantics for from and out of/off, and modelthe co-occurrence patterns of these preposition and verb classes in optimality theory. The resulting factorial typology reveals a set ofuniversal implications that correctly predicts the asymmetries in verb-PP combinations.John Foreman (Utica College) Session 99Do children still speak Macuiltianguis Zapotec?I explore whether children still acquire Sierra Juárez Zapotec as spoken in San Pablo Macuiltianguis (SPM) in Oaxaca, Mexico. SomeZapotec villages are filled with Zapotec-speaking children, and in SPM itself, numerous Chinantec speakers attend the junior high.However, the youngest Zapotec speaker I had previously identified is 32. The 2000 census, though, found some 197 Zapotec speakers5-19 years old in SPM. I report the results of a qualitative study that investigated in what sense these children are speakers. Do theyhave passive comprehension or are they active speakers?Catherine Fortin (University of Michigan) Session 29Indonesian sluicingWhen sluicing is viewed cross-linguistically, certain morphosyntactic patterns are assumed to be without exception. These patternsinclude the P-stranding generalization (Merchant 2001) and the prohibition on voice alternations between antecedent clauses andsluices that contain 'sprouted' (Chung, Ladusaw, & McCloskey 1995) wh-expressions. In this, the first detailed examination ofIndonesian sluicing, I show that Indonesian appears to conform to neither of these two patterns, and I address the implications of thisnew data for 'movement-and-deletion' analyses of sluicing (e.g. Ross 1969) which maintain a semantic identity condition must obtainbetween the antecedent and sluiced clauses (e.g. Merchant 2001).121