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esult from the informal methodology of data collection, i.e., relying on one's own judgments rather than collecting data within theprinciples of fieldwork. Furthermore, adequate controls are necessary to eliminate potential bias in the author's own grammaticalityjudgments. I propose that systematic data collection on all varieties rather than one's own dialect would resolve the currentmethodological problems in Turkish linguistics.Molly Babel (University of California, Berkeley) Session 101Michael J. Houser (University of California, Berkeley)Maziar Toosarvandani (University of California, Berkeley)Andrew Garrett (University of California, Berkeley)Descent vs diffusion in language diversification: Mono Lake Paiute & Western Numic dialectologyWe assess arboreal models of language relationship based on data from Mono Lake Paiute (MLP), a previously undocumented dialectof Northern Paiute (NP). Mono and NP are the two members of the Western Numic branch of Uto-Aztecan; MLP is geographicallyintermediate. We show that some MLP innovations are shared with Mono dialects but not other NP dialects, while some apparent NPinnovations are absent in MLP. Western Numic behaves more like a dialect continuum than has been assumed, that is, and is lesscongenial to tree models of language diversification.Emmon Bach (SOAS/University of Massachusetts, Amherst) Session 105Fiona Campbell (University of British Columbia)Patricia A. Shaw (University of British Columbia)On a Northern Wakashan suffix: -[x]'idThe suffix listed in Boas (1947:365-6) as -[x]'id has a number of interesting properties--semantic, distributional, comparative, andmorphophonological. We concentrate on the semantic and the morphophonological questions, taking Haisla/Henaaksiala as our mainempirical base—the disparate meanings raise questions about morphemic identity and the compositional character of complex lexicalitems, and the morphophonology leads to important questions about allomorphy and allophony. Our discussion touches on languageparticularand universal issues in the two domains.William Badecker (Johns Hopkins University) Session 1Gender & resolution agreementGender resolution patterns from a variety of languages (Italian, Icelandic, Modern Greek, Slovene, Serbian / Croatian, Latin, andothers) are shown to follow from the interaction of ranked, violable markedness constraints (e.g. *Fem >> *Masc >> *Neut) andfaithfulness constraints (e.g. a constraint requiring the phrase and all its conjuncts agree in gender, and another that requires theconjoined phrase to agree on both gender and number with one of its conjuncts). The OT analysis is preferable to rule based proposals(too powerful) and to generalized feature based accounts using union or intersection of feature sets for gender (descriptivelyinadequate).Gabriela Pérez Báez (University at Buffalo, State University of New York) Session 10Jürgen Bohnemeyer (University at Buffalo, State University of New York)Domain mapping in spatial description: The case of Juchitán ZapotecMesoamerican languages are well-known for their highly productive systems of semantic extension of body part (BP) terms to objectparts and spatial regions. We compare the system of relational spatial nominals of Juchitán Zapotec to those described by MacLaury1989 for Ayoquesco Zapotec and by Levinson 1994 for Tzeltal Maya. On the basis of the Juchitán evidence, we suggest that a global‘structure mapping’ (Gentner 1983) as described by MacLaury and a shape/function-based algorithm as described by Levinson may bejust different parts of a larger cognitive domain mapping process.Adam Baker (University of Arizona) Session 3Quantitative models of internal & social factors in sound changeI present a quantitative computational model to test hypotheses about the interaction of internal and external factors in sound change.Simulated speakers interact with one another and modify their pronunciations based on social parameters; coarticulatory biases arealso optionally present in individual speakers. Results of simulations demonstrate that entire populations can participate in a soundchange that is phonetically-motivated for only a subset of speakers. This effect is robust even in sparsely connected social networks,indicating that sound changes can differentially affect subpopulations of a speech community only where one population activelyavoids the pronunciations of another speech community.101