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Steven Gross (East Tennessee State University) Session 82Language processing dynamics in creole formation & interlanguage developmentMany current models of creole genesis recognize the central role that adult L2 acquisition processes, e.g. transfer, relexification, andreanalysis, play in the early development of creole languages. However, while the insights offered on this relationship between creoleformation and SLA have shed light on the often-noted absence of inflectional morphology from the primary lexifier language increoles, few attempts have been made to link this fact with what we know about language processing constraints. I argue that thearchitecture of the mental lexicon and the differential accessibility of morphemes during language production lie at the heart of thestructural similarities between creole languages and interlanguage development. This model of language production suggests severalhypotheses concerning the structure of creoles and interlanguage systems, which are put to the test. The evidence indicates that thisview of language production can explain a large body of linguistic data from various creoles and second language development.M. Catherine Gruber (University of Chicago) Session 6The rhetorics of erasure in defendants' apology narratives at sentencingI report on the apology narratives produced by defendants during their allocutions at sentencing hearings. The data for this paperconsist of 52 apology narratives that were collected in three different federal courtrooms. These courtroom apologies are marked byerasure in the forms of all-inclusive expressions and the use of bare I'm sorry and I (just) apologize statements which erase the forargumentof the canonical argument structure for sorry and apologize. I argue that erasure can be understood as a protective strategyin the context of the monologic speech event of allocution.Lilián Guerrero (Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México) Session 25Same-subject deletion: A matter of economy?This study outlines the syntax and semantics of want complements found in Uto-Aztecan languages. Two crucial aspects areexamined--whether the notional subject of the dependent unit is left implicit or not and whether the desiderative predicate is realizedas a full verb, an auxiliary verb, or a verbal affix. The analysis questions the proposal of economy and frequency as the solemotivation for same-subject deletion in want complements and provides evidence for an iconic effect: The more syntacticallyintegrated the two units are, the closer the events denoted by a predicate and its complement will be.Seungwan Ha (Boston University) Session 14On ellipsis features & right node raisingRight node raising (RNR) has been argued to be a purely PF-phenomenon. However, I show that RNR contains many properties ofellipsis, such as lack of morphological identity and sloppy identity. Contra previous accounts, I propose that RNR is an ellipsisphenomenon and licensed by a variant of the E(llipsis)-feature (Merchant 2001) and that the E-feature in RNR (i.e., E RNR ) can belinked to contrastive focus. Therefore, when the focused pre-RNR element is merged, it can bear ERNR, thus instructing PF not topronounce the RNR target. Also, e-GIVENness imposed by E RNR must be observed in RNR.Youssef A. Haddad (University of Florida) Session 25Copy adjunct control in AssameseoThe main purpose of this paper is to document and analyze a phenomenon of obligatory copy control into conjunctive participle(CNP) clauses in an Indo-Aryan language: Assamese. Copy control in Assamese is a relation of co-referentiality between twopronounced subjects, as illustrated in 1.(1) [Ram-Or i xomoi no-thok-i] xi i/*j / Ram-e bhat na-kha-l-e[Ram-GEN i time NEG-keep-CNP] he i/*j / Ram-NOM rice NEG-eat-PAST-AGR‘Having no time, Ram didn't eat rice.’The analysis adopts the movement theory of control (Hornstein 1999). Following Nunes 2004, I argue that 1 is an instance ofsideward movement. At PF, both copies are pronounced for reasons to be specified.Hyun-Jong Hahm (University of Texas, Austin) Session 45The meaning of pronouns in Peninsular Spanish & ItalianCoordinated phrases do not have syntactic heads and cause semantic agreement (Pollard & Sag 1994). I propose that polite pronounsusted(es) in Peninsular Spanish and lei in Italian have the same person value-3rd, explaining 3rd person verb agreement; however,126