Douglas S. Bigham (University <strong>of</strong> Texas, Austin) Session 62Vowel variation in sou<strong>the</strong>rn IllinoisApproaches from social psychology can explicate sociophonetic approaches regarding regional and social linguistic variation. Icompared vowel plots for 50 students in sou<strong>the</strong>rn Illinois to responses on an attitudes survey regarding <strong>the</strong> "kinds <strong>of</strong> people" and <strong>the</strong>"ways people talk" in both sou<strong>the</strong>rn Illinois and <strong>the</strong> Chicagoland area. By connecting <strong>the</strong> survey data to <strong>the</strong> vowel data, I show thathow a speaker's uses her or his vowel space is as predictive <strong>of</strong> attitudes about <strong>the</strong>se areas as sociohistorical trends. This finding maycall into question issues <strong>of</strong> dialect diffusion, dialect acquisition, and language change.Charles Boberg (McGill University) Session 62Regional phonetic differentiation in Canadian EnglishI present new data on <strong>the</strong> vowel production <strong>of</strong> 84 speakers <strong>of</strong> English from across Canada, permitting a more detailed analysis <strong>of</strong>regional variation in Canadian English than was possible in <strong>the</strong> Atlas <strong>of</strong> North <strong>America</strong>n English (Labov, Ash, & Boberg 2006).Wordlists elicited a uniform set <strong>of</strong> data from each subject, which was analyzed acoustically. MANCOVA tests examined <strong>the</strong> effect <strong>of</strong>region on <strong>the</strong> phonetic measures. Significant regional differences are reported for <strong>the</strong> position <strong>of</strong> /æ/ before /g/ and nasals, <strong>the</strong>advancement <strong>of</strong> /ahr/ and raised /aw/, and <strong>the</strong> retraction <strong>of</strong> /E/ in <strong>the</strong> Canadian Shift.David Boe (Nor<strong>the</strong>rn Michigan University) Session 79Chomsky's linguistic historiographyThis past year marks <strong>the</strong> 40th anniversary <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> publication <strong>of</strong> Noam Chomsky's Cartesian <strong>Linguistic</strong>s: A Chapter in <strong>the</strong> History <strong>of</strong>Rationalist Thought (1966). Despite some critical responses after its publication (e.g. Aarsleff 1970), Chomsky continued to invokeand elaborate <strong>the</strong>se Cartesian antecedents throughout his career, and in a recently reissued second edition (2002), <strong>the</strong> text is left largelyunchanged (apart from English translations provided for <strong>the</strong> numerous foreign-language passages). I consider how Chomsky'srationalist perspective has fared since <strong>the</strong> 1960s, particularly in light <strong>of</strong> subsequent neo-empiricist developments in cognitive science,and revisit several earlier critiques <strong>of</strong> this work.Marianne L. Borr<strong>of</strong>f (University at Stony Brook, State University <strong>of</strong> New York) Session 23Gestural reorganization as <strong>the</strong> source <strong>of</strong> glottalized consonants in underlying C? & ?C ClustersI address <strong>the</strong> formation <strong>of</strong> glottalized consonants via coalescence <strong>of</strong> C?/?C sequences (e.g. Kashaya, Buckley 1994; Yurok, Blevins2003). I propose coalescence results from [?]'s inability to phase sequentially to o<strong>the</strong>r gestures. Instead, <strong>the</strong> C? gestures reorganize tosimultaneity, resulting in <strong>the</strong> percept <strong>of</strong> a glottalized consonant. Additional data support <strong>the</strong> proposal that sequential alignment <strong>of</strong> [?]is unavailable; X? coalescence is common cross-linguistically. This account also explains phenomena showing that even apparentlysequential [?] is not parsed into syllabic or temporal structure; it doesn't resolve hiatus in Yatzachi Zapotec (Borr<strong>of</strong>f 2005) and variestemporally in Arbore (Hayward 1984).Marianne L. Borr<strong>of</strong>f (University at Stony Brook, State University <strong>of</strong> New York) WITHDRAWN Session 100Prosodic influences on <strong>the</strong> realization <strong>of</strong> glottal stop in Yatzachi ZapotecI address <strong>the</strong> status <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Yatzachi Zapotec glottal stop, which is <strong>of</strong>ten realized as creak, ra<strong>the</strong>r than a full stop. Factors influencing itsrealization include speech register and tone; glottal stop is most stop-like in careful speech and high-toned forms. The first patternsuggests that creakiness results from casual speech lenition <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> stop target. The second shows that lenition <strong>of</strong> glottal stop isavailable only when it doesn't interfere with tonal contrasts (creak and high tone are <strong>of</strong>ten incompatible). Thus, an appropriaterepresentation <strong>of</strong> glottal stop in YZ is as a consonantal segment with a prosodically conditioned creaky allophone.John P. Boyle (Nor<strong>the</strong>astern Illinois University) Session 106The Hidatsa mood markers revisitedI examine <strong>the</strong> set <strong>of</strong> clause final markers found in <strong>the</strong> Siouan language, Hidatsa. Mat<strong>the</strong>ws (1965:99-112) described six final moodmarkers that carry illocutionary force and are necessary for a sentence to be grammatical. Recent fieldwork and an extensive review<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> literature reveal a much richer and more complex system than that proposed by Mat<strong>the</strong>ws. I show that Hidatsa has threedifferent interconnected sets <strong>of</strong> markers. This new understanding brings <strong>the</strong> language into line with what we now know about o<strong>the</strong>rSiouan languages and <strong>the</strong> large number <strong>of</strong> clause final markers that are possible.105
Travis G. Bradley (University <strong>of</strong> California, Davis) Session 23Eric Russell Webb (University <strong>of</strong> California, Davis)Accounting for intrasyllabic rhotic meta<strong>the</strong>sis: The interplay <strong>of</strong> articulation & perceptionBlevins and Garrett 1998, 2004 argue that rhotic meta<strong>the</strong>sis occurs when listeners reinterpret an elongated [low F3] feature in a nonhistoricalposition. However, not all cases are amenable to such an account, as no single phonetic property unifies <strong>the</strong> class <strong>of</strong> rhotics.We examine two cases <strong>of</strong> intrasyllabic rhotic meta<strong>the</strong>sis, namely leftward movement <strong>of</strong> apical taps in Spanish and rightwardmovement <strong>of</strong> dorsal fricatives in French. We analyze <strong>the</strong> directional asymmetry as a conspiracy <strong>of</strong> articulatory and perceptualconditions. Rhotic-vowel overlap produces indeterminate linear ordering, which listeners subsequently reinterpret in accordance withattested patterns <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> language (Hume 2004).Michelle C. Braña-Straw (University <strong>of</strong> Essex) Session 9Examining vowel changes in South-East EnglandInternal accounts <strong>of</strong> language change underpin much variationist work on U.S. English. The Sou<strong>the</strong>rn Shift (SVS), attributed toSou<strong>the</strong>rn U.S. varieties is presumed to operate in South-East England (SEE), Australia, and New Zealand. Diachronic and synchronicevidence from <strong>the</strong> front and back vowel systems for Suffolk, England, challenges <strong>the</strong> presumption that SVS occurs in SEE. Suffolkvowels conform to predicted SVS 'end states', without <strong>the</strong> necessary evidence for interrelated chain shifts. Ra<strong>the</strong>r, SVS 'end state'variants have existed in Suffolk since at least <strong>the</strong> 1800s in competition with o<strong>the</strong>r variants, finally winning out, through a process <strong>of</strong>dialect contact.Jonathan Brennan (New York University) Session 12Only, finallyI examine <strong>the</strong> focus particle only in cases where it follows its focused associate (John spoke to one linguist, only). Adopting Kayne's(1998) framework, <strong>the</strong> characteristics <strong>of</strong> final only are captured by appealing to a finely articulated DP. Limitations on <strong>the</strong> placement<strong>of</strong> focus when only appears finally suggest that <strong>the</strong> focus particle heads a DP-internal projection similar in structure to Kayne's VPexternalOnlyP. The projection hosts a specifier into which <strong>the</strong> focused associate raises. Unlike VP-external only, <strong>the</strong>re are no higherprojections that allow only to raise and precede its specifier, accounting for <strong>the</strong> limited distribution.George Aaron Broadwell (University at Albany, State University <strong>of</strong> New York) Session 95Differential object marking in Copala TriqueCopala Trique, an Otomanguean language spoken in Oaxaca, Mexico, shows differential object marking (DOM), with obligatoryaccusative marking in some contexts, but not o<strong>the</strong>rs (Bossong 1985, Aissen 2003). Accusative is obligatory only when <strong>the</strong> directobject is a human pronominal; in all o<strong>the</strong>r elicitation contexts, both variants are judged good. However, discourse shows twointeracting factors--animacy and specificity--that influence <strong>the</strong> frequency <strong>of</strong> accusative marking. Such data seem to require a<strong>the</strong>oretical approach, such as stochastic optimality <strong>the</strong>ory, which is capable <strong>of</strong> modeling <strong>the</strong> variable strength <strong>of</strong> multiple factors whichaffect grammaticality.Bruce Brown (Brigham Young U) Session 78Hooshang Farahnakian (Brigham Young U)Mary Farahnakian (Brigham Young U)David Gardner (Institute for <strong>the</strong> Study <strong>of</strong> Language and Culture)Deryle Lonsdale (Brigham Young U)Mat<strong>the</strong>w Spackman (Brigham Young U)Dialectal effects in <strong>the</strong> pronunciation <strong>of</strong> Farsi given namesSegmental phonemes are compared to acoustical suprasegmental properties to determine how well each accounts for dialectaldifferences in spoken Farsi given names, family names, and place names. First, an accuracy-<strong>of</strong>-classification paradigm is used tomeasure how well dialect is subjectively recognizable to native speakers from spoken names. Second, <strong>the</strong>se same spoken names arestatistically analyzed for segmental phonological differences. Third, <strong>the</strong> spoken names are statistically analyzed for acousticaldifferences. Lens model computations are used to compare phonological segmentation and acoustical analysis, and acoustic propertiesare found to be better mediators <strong>of</strong> accuracy in identifying dialect from spoken names than segmental phonemes.106
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Meeting RoomsSECOND FLOORFOURTH FLO
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Nick Pharris (University of Michiga
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Anastasia Riehl (Cornell University
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Françoise Rose (CNRS-IRD) Session
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precedence also constrains stative
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domains of use are mostly complemen
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Don Walicek (University of Puerto R
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positions. However, certain matrix
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Suwon Yoon (University of Chicago)