circa 1900. I consider three hypo<strong>the</strong>ses about FOTM's nature: (1) a literal gloss <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> widespread pidgin, Chinook jargon (perhaps byFrancophone missionaries for French readers' interest); (2) a Métis French [MF] variety which became an interethnic lingua franca;and (3) a newly identified pidgin. Referring to structure and to context <strong>of</strong> use, I disprove (1) and show that (2) and (3) both apply. Insummary, FOTM represents MF used among non-Métis according to new, divergent norms.David D. Robertson (University <strong>of</strong> Victoria) Session 73A grammar <strong>of</strong> Chinook jargon personal namesOnomastics is an area <strong>of</strong> grammar usually excluded from linguistic descriptions. I address that gap for one language, analyzing <strong>the</strong>structural, pragmatic, and diachronic patterns in a corpus <strong>of</strong> personal names from Chinook jargon (CJ). CJ is an Indigenous-basedpidgin important in Pacific Northwest history (Hale 1846; Demers, Blanchet & St. Onge 1871; Jacobs 1932). Since onomastics <strong>of</strong>teninvolves morphological and phonological processes unknown in o<strong>the</strong>r areas <strong>of</strong> a language's grammar (viz. Weeda 1992, Lipski 1995,Robertson 2006), it is expected this study will shed new light on <strong>the</strong> workings <strong>of</strong> CJ.Stuart Robinson (Max Planck Institute for Psycholinguistics, Nijmegen) Session 16Split intransitivity in RotokasI describe a system <strong>of</strong> split intransitivity found in Rotokas, a Papuan (non-Austronesian) language spoken in Bougainville, Papua NewGuinea, and show that <strong>the</strong> language has a split-S system. Verb stems have a fixed (ra<strong>the</strong>r than fluid) classification that is largelypredictable from semantics. The semantic parameters discussed in <strong>the</strong> previous literature may be necessary but not sufficient. Theidentification <strong>of</strong> a single overarching semantic principle is unlikely, however, given that <strong>the</strong> default classification <strong>of</strong> verbs isoverridden by some syntactic processes. Split intransitivity in Rotokas is, <strong>the</strong>refore, nei<strong>the</strong>r a purely semantic nor a purely syntacticphenomenon.Guillermo Rodríguez (University <strong>of</strong> Pittsburgh) Session 27Alan Juffs (University <strong>of</strong> Pittsburgh)Using only word class: Evidence against shallow parsing in second language sentence processingRecent findings (Traxler 2005) support <strong>the</strong> claim that first language comprehenders incorporate words into sentences as soon aspossible based solely on syntactic information. We attempt to replicate Traxler's findings with 20 Spanish-speaking learners <strong>of</strong>English and 27 native speakers (NSs) using <strong>the</strong> self-paced, word-by-word (moving window) reading paradigm to determine whatinformation is used when reading ambiguous subordinate clauses. Measures <strong>of</strong> working memory (WM) capacity were also includedto determine whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong>y interact with reading times in <strong>the</strong> disambiguating region. Results show that learners' performance is similarto NSs' and WM measures are not related to reading times.Rebecca Roeder (University <strong>of</strong> Toronto) Session 57Understanding Lansing: Mexican <strong>America</strong>n listeners in MichiganI investigate <strong>the</strong> claim that minority group members whose dialect is different from <strong>the</strong> mainstream are not as accurate as members <strong>of</strong><strong>the</strong> majority group in <strong>the</strong>ir perception <strong>of</strong> that dialect. Results are based on evidence from 22 Mexican <strong>America</strong>n residents <strong>of</strong> southcentral Michigan who were asked to listen to words in isolation, as pronounced during normal conversation by female speakers <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>dominant local dialect, and write down what <strong>the</strong>y heard. A comparison <strong>of</strong> perceptual accuracy and production results reveals aninteresting parallelism when compared to findings from similar studiesDorian Roehrs (University <strong>of</strong> North Texas) Session 51Complex determiners: A case study <strong>of</strong> German ein jederWith a single DP-level, <strong>the</strong> DP-hypo<strong>the</strong>sis makes <strong>the</strong> prediction that <strong>the</strong>re can be only one determiner. Combinations such as Germanein jeder '(an) every' are special: Not only may two determiners co-occur but <strong>the</strong> weak determiner precedes <strong>the</strong> strong one and <strong>the</strong>re isan apparent definiteness clash. I argue that, on <strong>the</strong> one hand, both elements are lexically independent <strong>of</strong> each o<strong>the</strong>r and that, on <strong>the</strong>o<strong>the</strong>r, <strong>the</strong>se elements behave as if compounded. In order to reconcile <strong>the</strong>se paradoxical properties, I propose that <strong>the</strong>se two elementsform a ‘late’ compound-like element where ein intensifies <strong>the</strong> distributive reading.159
Françoise Rose (CNRS-IRD) Session 103Antoine Guillaume ( CNRS/Lumière University, Lyon 2)‘Sociative causative’ markers in South-<strong>America</strong>n languages: A possible areal featureSociative causative (aka comitative causative or causative <strong>of</strong> involvement) is a semantic type <strong>of</strong> causative where <strong>the</strong> causer not onlymakes <strong>the</strong> causee do an action, but also participates in it (Shibatani & Pardeshi 2002). This type <strong>of</strong> causative function is most <strong>of</strong>tenconveyed by a causative morpheme also coding direct or indirect causation. In many South <strong>America</strong>n languages, however, thiscategory is expressed by a specific morpheme, which leads us to hypo<strong>the</strong>size that a specific marker for sociative causative could be anareal feature <strong>of</strong> South <strong>America</strong>n (or maybe more globally <strong>of</strong> Amerindian) languages.Mary Rose (Ohio State University) Session 49Never around <strong>the</strong> barns: Gendered linguistic practices in dairy countryVariation research has begun to examine <strong>the</strong> ideologies and stances mediating between linguistic resources and social categories,especially gender. I discuss gender and class distinctions in a cluster <strong>of</strong> phonetic variables deployed by older speakers in ruralWisconsin. Data from ethnographic interviews with 36 speakers aged 66-99 support <strong>the</strong> analysis <strong>of</strong> several phonetic variables: (dh)-fortition, (ow)-raising and monophthongization, and (ey)-raising.I examine <strong>the</strong>se sociophonetic resources along with narrative practices, leisure activities, and patterns <strong>of</strong> social interaction to showhow all speakers, but especially women, maintain <strong>the</strong> stylistic distinctions constituting <strong>the</strong> community's social and spatial landscape.Ca<strong>the</strong>rine Rudin (Wayne State College) Session 39Multiple wh-fronting in correlatives & free relativesMultiple wh-fronting (MWF) exhibits differences between free relatives and correlatives and between two types <strong>of</strong> languages,exemplified by Bulgarian and Polish. Both languages have MWF relatives, but Polish has only MWF correlatives while Bulgarian hasboth MWF correlatives and MWF free relatives. The difference in availability <strong>of</strong> MWF is attributable to differing positions <strong>of</strong> frontedwh-words in <strong>the</strong> two languages: Multiple free relatives but not multiple correlatives require a structure with all wh-words in SpecCP.MWF relatives thus exactly parallel <strong>the</strong> structure <strong>of</strong> MWF questions in a given language, as fur<strong>the</strong>r indicated by superiority facts.Jeffrey T. Runner (University <strong>of</strong> Rochester) Session 45Micah B. Goldwater (University <strong>of</strong> Texas, Austin)Reference transfer & reflexive interpretation in representational noun phrasesThe main explanations for <strong>the</strong> exceptional behavior <strong>of</strong> reflexives in ‘representational NPs’ (RNPs) rely on syntactic or argumentstructure (Chomsky 1986, Davies & Dubinsky 2003, Pollard & Sag 1992, Reinhart & Reuland 1993). ‘Reference transfer’ (RT)allows reference to a representation <strong>of</strong> a person by that person's name (Jackend<strong>of</strong>f 1992). Like RNP reflexives (Grodzinsky &Reinhart 1993), RT reflexives may receive coreferential interpretations when elided (Lidz 2001). We present evidence from twopicture verification experiments and one eye-tracking experiment that it is <strong>the</strong> representational use <strong>of</strong> RNP reflexives--and not <strong>the</strong>syntactic/argument structure--that allows for <strong>the</strong>ir exceptional behavior.C. Anton Rytting (Ohio State University) Session 11Chris Brew (Ohio State University)Eric Fosler-Lussier (Ohio State University)Modeling word segmentation without assuming phonemic certaintyMost computational models <strong>of</strong> word segmentation assume unrealistic degrees <strong>of</strong> invariance in <strong>the</strong> input provided to infants. This workpresents one such model <strong>of</strong> word segmentation (Christiansen et al., 1998) with input automatically derived from speech--more closelyapproximating <strong>the</strong> auditory input available to infants--and suggests that <strong>the</strong> modeled use <strong>of</strong> segmental cues is less robust to inputvariability than previously thought. A simple modification <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> model improves its performance on variable data.Ivan Sag (Stanford University) Session 44Philip H<strong>of</strong>meister (Stanford University)Neal Snider (Stanford University)Perry Rosenstein (Stanford University)Controlling processing factors in <strong>the</strong> study <strong>of</strong> subjacencyWe report on our investigations <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> complex NP constraint (CNPC) or ‘Subjacency' effects in so-called fact-that clauses. We160
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ANSFriday AfternoonForms of Address
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Donca Steriade (Massachusetts Insti
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Thursday, 4 JanuaryTutorialA Field
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Stephen R. Anderson (Yale Universit
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David Bowie (University of Central
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Sharon Peperkamp (CNRS/University o
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Elena Guerzoni (University of South
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Claire Bowern (Rice University)Morp
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Lise Dobrin (University of Virginia
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We discuss the analysis of the vowe
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Brian Agbayani (California State Un
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squiggly shapes). Disfluency made n
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Adam Baker (University of Arizona)
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final particle; this structure enco
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Travis G. Bradley (University of Ca
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