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against an analysis of these constructions in terms of overt or covert movement: The ‘raised’ nominal is in a thematic position in thematrix clause, and the putative raising operations would violate the complex noun phrase constraint. The ‘raising’ constructionappears to involve two distinct argument positions. Long-distance agreement remains challenging, however, if a movement analysis isexcluded.Susannah V. Levi (Indiana University) Session 27Stephen J. Winters (University of Illinois, Urbana/Champaign)David B. Pisoni (Indiana University)Voice-familiarity advantage: Language-specific or language-independent?The speech signal carries both the linguistic content of an utterance and information about the speaker (‘indexical properties’). In alinguistic task, a listener must map a particular speaker's articulation of a word to the stored, abstract linguistic representation.Previous research has shown that listeners are better able to recover the linguistic content of an utterance when they are familiar withthe speaker's voice (e.g. Nygaard, Sommers, & Pisoni 1994), yielding a ‘voice-familiarity advantage’. We examine whether thevoice-familiarity advantage is language-independent by examining voice-familiarity of bilingual talkers.Lisa Levinson (New York University) Session 16The roots of verbsI present novel empirical evidence in support of the presence of category-neutral lexical roots in the syntax. I argue that such rootsmust be active in the syntax because they can be modified by 'pseudo-resultative' predicates, such as tight in She braided her hairtight. This modification provides insight into the semantic type of category-neutral roots, which are argued to vary, such that the verbbraid is derived from predicates of different types in implicit vs explicit creation contexts (braid her hair vs braid a braid). I furthershow this variation to correlate with differences in argument structure.Erez Levon (New York University) WITHDRAWN Session 49Prosodic & voice quality variation among Israeli gay menI examine how gay men in Israel use variation to linguistically perform their socio-sexual identities and position themselves withinsociety. Results are based on a sociolinguistic analysis of the speech of 18 men, who were observed and recorded over 12 months.Analyses focus on variation between subjects in order to determine whether certain features of prosody and voice quality aresignificantly correlated with external factors such as ethnicity and political affiliation. Results show systematic differences inobserved prosodic and voice quality characteristics that pattern with these men's different positions in and attitudes towards Israelisociety.William Lewis (University of Washington) Session 34Fei Xia (University of Washington)Daniel Jinguji (University of Washington)Projecting structure onto cata for resource-poor & endangered languagesThe availability of language-specific computational tools such as parsers can greatly benefit linguistic research, but it is highlydependent on the availability of significant quantities of hand-annotated data. We describe a method for leveraging a resource createdfor another purpose to the task of creating computational resources for potentially hundreds of the world's languages, specifically bymanipulating a database of interlinearized language examples discovered in scholarly papers, enriching them by projecting syntacticstructures from parsed and aligned English translations. Our methods have thus far been applied successfully to a small set oflanguages: Chamorro, German, Hausa, Irish, Korean, Malagasy, Welsh, and Yaqui.Chao Li (Yale University) Session 48Event complexity & argument realizationBased on the transitive and intransitive uses of verbs of change of state like break and Mandarin resultative verb compounds like xiganjing'wash-clean', I argue that the ‘argument-per-subevent condition’ proposed by Levin and Rappaport Hovav 1999, 2004, andRappaport Hovav and Levin 2001 to account for the argument realization of complex events is empirically incorrect. It proposes thatwhat is important for argument realization is the ‘structure participant condition’ (cf. Levin 1999), which requires each structureparticipant to be overtly expressed. I show that it is not always the case that argument realization patterns reflect event complexity.143