Donca Steriade (Massachusetts Institute <strong>of</strong> Technology)Correspondence, ph-dependence, & <strong>the</strong> structure <strong>of</strong> lexical entriesPhonology models <strong>the</strong> mapping between expressions stored in a mental lexicon and <strong>the</strong>ir spoken and perceived surface counterparts.In a rule-based system, this mapping is a series <strong>of</strong> deformations undergone by <strong>the</strong> lexical entry. Different combinations <strong>of</strong> morphemesundergo this process in parallel. Each derivation is shielded by ignorance from <strong>the</strong> outcomes <strong>of</strong> all o<strong>the</strong>r derivations. In cyclicderivations, when one expression is syntactically nested within a larger one, <strong>the</strong> rule system occasionally succeeds in characterizing<strong>the</strong> systematic identity <strong>of</strong> two distinct expressions, e.g. <strong>the</strong> shared portion <strong>of</strong> [A] and [[A]B]. But cyclicity can ensure in a rule systemonly that <strong>the</strong> shared [A] parts are handled identically by <strong>the</strong> rules, but not that <strong>the</strong>y surface identically. For about a decade now,phonologists have experimented, in <strong>the</strong> context <strong>of</strong> OT, with <strong>the</strong> alternative <strong>of</strong> grammars consisting <strong>of</strong> surface-oriented, staticconditions. Of interest here are <strong>the</strong> conditions that require identity or distinctness between certain pairs <strong>of</strong> expressions. I build on thisbody <strong>of</strong> work to highlight a phenomenon I call ‘ph(onological)-dependence’ and which can now be understood, precisely becauseexplicit correspondence conditions have become part <strong>of</strong> grammar. Ph-dependence: A phonological process can apply to <strong>the</strong> dependentform <strong>of</strong> a lexical item if it has applied to one <strong>of</strong> its basic forms. I argue that <strong>the</strong> mechanism that gives an account <strong>of</strong> ph-dependence is<strong>the</strong> possibility <strong>of</strong> correspondence between a candidate and <strong>the</strong> basic form or forms contained in a lexical entry. I discuss <strong>the</strong>mechanism that leads to storage <strong>of</strong> such forms. I <strong>the</strong>n show that one can use <strong>the</strong> lack <strong>of</strong> interaction between forms that aremorphologically but not semantically related and between forms that are semantically but not referentially related to explore <strong>the</strong>principles that structure <strong>the</strong>se complex entries.65
Friday, 5 JanuaryPlenary AddressCalifornia C12:30 – 1:30 PMPerson Inflection in Sign LanguagesCarol A. PaddenUniversity <strong>of</strong> California, San DiegoSign languages differ from spoken languages in <strong>the</strong> wealth and range <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir articulators and <strong>the</strong> fact that <strong>the</strong>se articulators move invisible space. At <strong>the</strong> same time, sign languages do not have special grammars; <strong>the</strong>ir grammatical categories and structures fall within<strong>the</strong> class <strong>of</strong> human languages. This interplay between modality and structure in sign languages <strong>of</strong>fers some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> most interestingchallenges in linguistic analysis. One such challenge is an account <strong>of</strong> person inflection in sign languages. In sign languages such as<strong>America</strong>n Sign Language (ASL) and Israeli Sign Language (ISL), <strong>the</strong> body is <strong>the</strong> locus <strong>of</strong> first person inflection. Non-first-personinflection is any locus o<strong>the</strong>r than and away from <strong>the</strong> body. Conceptually, this denotes an embodied sense <strong>of</strong> first person, that it refersto <strong>the</strong> speaker or signer, and not <strong>the</strong> addressee and all o<strong>the</strong>r referents. Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore, many sign languages, including those unrelated toone ano<strong>the</strong>r, show person inflection in <strong>the</strong> same class <strong>of</strong> verbs, those that denote transfer between <strong>the</strong> subject and <strong>the</strong> object. Notably,person inflection is typically absent for o<strong>the</strong>r classes <strong>of</strong> verbs, including those that reference locatives or refer to emotional orcognitive states. Recently, Mark Aron<strong>of</strong>f, Irit Meir, Wendy Sandler, and I have discovered that person inflection is absent entirely in anew sign language, Al-Sayyid Bedouin Sign Language (ABSL). In this sign language, verbs <strong>of</strong> transfer are not distinct from o<strong>the</strong>rclasses <strong>of</strong> verbs with respect to which inflections may appear; verbs <strong>of</strong> transfer lack person inflection <strong>of</strong> any kind, including firstperson.Using evidence from established sign languages as well as this case <strong>of</strong> a new sign language, I make several claims: (1)Despite <strong>the</strong> primacy and saliency <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> human body, it is not universally available for first-person inflection. In <strong>the</strong> case <strong>of</strong> a newsign language with very little or no morphology, person inflection is not present. (2) O<strong>the</strong>r grammatical structures exploit <strong>the</strong> body aslocus but are analytically distinct from person inflection, such as body as subject and body as a reference point for locatives. (3) Thedifferent ways in which sign languages exploit <strong>the</strong> human body <strong>of</strong>fer us a unique perspective on <strong>the</strong> complex interplay between <strong>the</strong>possibilities <strong>of</strong> modality and possible grammars.Carol Padden (PhD, University <strong>of</strong> California, San Diego, 1983) is pr<strong>of</strong>essor <strong>of</strong> communication at <strong>the</strong> University <strong>of</strong> California, SanDiego, where she has taught since 1983. She has published on a variety <strong>of</strong> topics including verb morphology and syntax in ASL,foreign and native vocabulary in ASL, <strong>the</strong> acquisition <strong>of</strong> fingerspelling in very young signing children, sign language and deaf culture,and recently <strong>the</strong> emergence <strong>of</strong> syntax in a new sign language. Her research has been funded by <strong>the</strong> National Science Foundation, <strong>the</strong>National Institutes <strong>of</strong> Health, <strong>the</strong> U.S. Department <strong>of</strong> Education, and <strong>the</strong> Spencer Foundation.66
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Scherre 2001 argue that the phenome
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Cynthia A. Fox (University at Alban
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structures to the double object con
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Steven Gross (East Tennessee State
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Heidi Harley (University of Arizona
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equivalents. I argue that their sim
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predictable, and/or restricted in d
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Keith Johnson (University of Arizon
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Andrew Kehler (University of Califo
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comparative rate of acquisition acr
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Pei-Jung Kuo (University of Connect
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EunHee Lee (University at Buffalo,
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Brook Danielle Lillehaugen (Univers
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Martha J. Macri (University of Cali
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Spanish subjects with unaccusative
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Brad Montgomery-Anderson (Universit
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multi-ethnic configuration, and pos
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Natalie Operstein (University of Ca
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Nick Pharris (University of Michiga
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Anastasia Riehl (Cornell University
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Françoise Rose (CNRS-IRD) Session
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precedence also constrains stative
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eads easily for astrophysicists.).
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domains of use are mostly complemen
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Don Walicek (University of Puerto R
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positions. However, certain matrix
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Suwon Yoon (University of Chicago)