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View the meeting handbook - Linguistic Society of America

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literature seems to agree on <strong>the</strong> pivotal role that processes <strong>of</strong> second language acquisition/processing play in rapid language change. Idiscuss <strong>the</strong> role <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> bilingual part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> population in <strong>the</strong> contact situation, arguing that <strong>the</strong>y are <strong>the</strong> real instantiators <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> shift toano<strong>the</strong>r variety, <strong>the</strong>reby creating and establishing a new emerging language. In this scenario, <strong>the</strong> process <strong>of</strong> relexification finds itsnatural place.Tonjes Veenstra (Zentrum für Allgemeine Sprachwissenschaft, Berlin) Session 90Verb allomorphy in French-related creolesIn French-related creoles a distinction between long and short forms <strong>of</strong> verbs is made. Although it sometimes seems to bephonologically governed, this distinction also correlates with syntactic properties. Interestingly, <strong>the</strong> syntactic correlation differs in(almost) each French creole. Focusing on Morisyen, Haitian & Louisianais, I argue that (1) <strong>the</strong> initial pattern is due to universalprocesses <strong>of</strong> SLA; (2) <strong>the</strong> alternation started out as a phonological phenomenon (as it still is in Haitian Creole, HC); and (3) it wassubsequently grammaticalized in MC. I present a phase-<strong>the</strong>oretic analysis <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> alternation.Shelley L. Velleman (University <strong>of</strong> Massachusetts, Amherst) Session 59Barbara Z. Pearson (University <strong>of</strong> Massachusetts, Amherst)Timothy J. Bryant (University <strong>of</strong> New Hampshire)Tiffany Charko (Agawam Public Schools)The impact <strong>of</strong> dialect on <strong>the</strong> rate & order <strong>of</strong> phonological developmentDevelopmental mastery <strong>of</strong> phonetic and phonotactic features is compared in 537 learners <strong>of</strong> AAE vs 317 learners <strong>of</strong> Mainstream<strong>America</strong>n English (MAE) from 4 to 12 years. The later acquisition <strong>of</strong> certain segments and structures by speakers <strong>of</strong> AAE isconfirmed; <strong>the</strong>ir earlier mastery <strong>of</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r elements and structures is reported. Patterns <strong>of</strong> acquisition are affected by <strong>the</strong> frequenciesand salience <strong>of</strong> elements and structures <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> first dialect. Non-target productions are more likely to be phonetic for MAE learners,phonotactic for AAE learners. This difference increases with age, but it is significant even at age 4.Anna Verbuk (University <strong>of</strong> Massachusetts, Amherst) Session 52Why Children do not compute irrelevant scalar implicaturesOn <strong>the</strong> neo-Gricean view <strong>of</strong> scalar implicatures (SIs), hearers compute SIs on <strong>the</strong> basis <strong>of</strong> Gricean reasoning. In contexts where only<strong>the</strong> weaker scalar item is relevant, an SI is not generated (Horn 1984). On Chierchia's (2004) semantic account, SIs are defaultinferences; this account overgenerates SIs. My experiment tested between <strong>the</strong> two accounts. Subjects were 40 English-speakingchildren (4;3-7;7). The experimental results supported <strong>the</strong> neo-Gricean account. It was found that children did not go through a stagewhere <strong>the</strong>y compute both relevant and irrelevant SIs. Also, children did equally well on computing SIs based both on Horn andpragmatic scales.Joshua Viau (Northwestern University) Session 15Asymmetric c-command within <strong>the</strong> dative verb phrase at age 4Relatively little attention has been paid to establishing what specific representations children have for dative verbs like give and sendand how and when <strong>the</strong>y learn <strong>the</strong>m. I address <strong>the</strong> issue by presenting experimental evidence that a binding asymmetry exists in 4-year-old children's representations <strong>of</strong> such verbs (Barss & Lasnik 1986). The findings suggest that in both double-object andprepositional dative constructions <strong>the</strong> first internal argument c-commands <strong>the</strong> second, but not vice versa. We can conclude that 4-year-old children have <strong>the</strong> same hierarchical structure within <strong>the</strong> dative verb phrase that has been posited for adults (e.g. Larson 1988).Margaret Wade-Lewis (State University <strong>of</strong> New York, New Paltz) Session 92Lorenzo Dow Turner & <strong>the</strong> development <strong>of</strong> creole studies in <strong>the</strong> U.S.While Lorenzo Dow Turner, <strong>the</strong> first linguist to collect data among speakers <strong>of</strong> Gullah (Sea Island Creole), is well-known forAfricanisms in <strong>the</strong> Gullah dialect (1949), his contribution has not generally been conceptualized as part <strong>of</strong> a larger movement toward<strong>the</strong> <strong>America</strong>nization <strong>of</strong> linguistics and <strong>the</strong> development <strong>of</strong> creole studies. Analyzing archival evidence--letters, programs fromconferences and o<strong>the</strong>r data—I demonstrate that Turner was well-connected with Hans Kurath and his o<strong>the</strong>r peers in <strong>the</strong> <strong>Linguistic</strong>Atlas Project, <strong>the</strong> <strong>America</strong>n Dialect <strong>Society</strong>, and scholars in <strong>the</strong> Caribbean and Latin <strong>America</strong> who collectively forged <strong>the</strong> creation <strong>of</strong>creole studies.171

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