and hand movements. (2) Braille characters requiring use <strong>of</strong> nonhomologous finger combinations are overrepresented among errors.(3) English literary Braille employs an obligatory set <strong>of</strong> logograms and language-specific short forms for frequently-occurring lettercombinations. Errors demonstrate that <strong>the</strong>se contractions are stored as part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> orthographic representation ra<strong>the</strong>r than beingproduced by rule.Adam Werle (University <strong>of</strong> Massachusetts, Amherst/University <strong>of</strong> Victoria) Session 106Second-position clitics & second-position suffixes in Sou<strong>the</strong>rn WakashanIn <strong>the</strong> Sou<strong>the</strong>rn Wakashan languages, one finds both 2P enclitics--inflections that follow <strong>the</strong> first word <strong>of</strong> a predicate--and 2P suffixes--verbs that follow <strong>the</strong> first word <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir complement. By <strong>the</strong> local spellout analysis (Wojdak 2005) both are spelled out at everybranching node, bottom-up, so that both suffixes and enclitics follow <strong>the</strong> nearest prosodic word <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir syntactic complement. Thiscontradicts <strong>the</strong> interface constraint approach (Selkirk 1995), by which clisis results from general constraints on prosodic wordalignment. I show that <strong>the</strong> interface constraint approach is supported by phonological, morphological, and syntactic differencesbetween suffixes and enclitics.Adam Werle (University <strong>of</strong> Massachusetts, Amherst/University <strong>of</strong> Victoria) Session 47Three approaches to Serbo-Croatian second-position clitic reorderingI assume that Serbo-Croatian second-position enclitics (2PCs) are derived during syntax, but when stranded without a host, <strong>the</strong>irenclisis is ensured by some PF reordering. Under prosodic inversion, 2PCs invert with a following word. Unconstrained, however,this splits some constituents ungrammatically. Under copy selection, 2PCs' highest parseable derivational copies are pronounced.However, this cannot capture cases where 2PCs split constituents not plausibly split by syntactic movement. I argue for host raising:A host raises to precede 2PCs. Host raising is prosodically motivated, so it induces reorderings unattested in syntax; yet as movement,it obeys constraints against splitting certain constituents.Laura Whitton (Stanford University) Session 13The function <strong>of</strong> English contrastive reduplication: Evidence from homonymsContrastive reduplication (CR) in English has been characterized as narrowing <strong>the</strong> extension <strong>of</strong> a lexical item to an intensified orprototypical meaning. However, a corpus analysis reveals that CRs do not always point to a less or more central category membersince <strong>the</strong> interpretations being contrasted may be related by sound only, as in I mean a baseball bat not a bat bat. Previous accountsdo not predict <strong>the</strong> occurrence <strong>of</strong> such homonym tokens, which reveal that CR requires an explanation that is more context-dependentand pragmatic in nature than analyses centered around conceptual structure have suggested.Thomas R. Wier (University <strong>of</strong> Chicago) Session 8Feature geometry & <strong>the</strong> morphosyntax <strong>of</strong> Algonquian languagesAlgonquian languages are perhaps best known for two features <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir morphosyntax: <strong>the</strong>ir extensive verbal polysyn<strong>the</strong>sis and <strong>the</strong>inversion systems found throughout <strong>the</strong> family. I focus on <strong>the</strong> latter property: Where does hierarchicality come from, and how do weexplain apparent variation <strong>of</strong> feature hierarchies even within particular languages in <strong>the</strong> form <strong>of</strong> global vs local hierarchies? I use amodified version <strong>of</strong> Harley and Ritter’s (2002) morphosyntactic feature geometry and discuss to what extent feature hierarchies suchas person and grammatical class can be derived <strong>the</strong>refrom.Andrea Wilhelm (University <strong>of</strong> Victoria) Session 94Classificatory verbs & countabilityIn <strong>the</strong> Athapaskan language Dëne Suliné (Chipewyan), classificatory verbs--verbs specifying shape, consistency, and number <strong>of</strong>entities--interact with <strong>the</strong> countability <strong>of</strong> nouns in interesting ways: Countable nouns (those denoting discrete entities) are compatiblewith numerals and with appropriate single-object classificatory verbs while mass-denoting nouns are compatible with nei<strong>the</strong>r.However, some nouns are compatible with single-object verbs but not with numerals. My explanation for this unexpected patterninvolves <strong>the</strong> claim that <strong>the</strong>re is a universal conceptual category <strong>of</strong> ‘object-mass nouns’. This implies that <strong>the</strong> singular-only behavior<strong>of</strong> nouns like English furniture is conceptually based and not an accident <strong>of</strong> grammatical number.Hea<strong>the</strong>r Willson (University <strong>of</strong> California, Los Angeles) Session 33Restructuring & subject position in MarshalleseMarshallese infinitival sentences, like Marshallese mono-clausal sentences, allow <strong>the</strong> subject to surface in a variety <strong>of</strong> sentential173
positions. However, certain matrix verbs do not permit <strong>the</strong> subject to surface immediately following <strong>the</strong>m. I argue that <strong>the</strong>se verbsare restructuring verbs and that an analysis <strong>of</strong> restructuring following Cinque 2006 can explain why <strong>the</strong> subject may not surface in thisposition. Evidence for <strong>the</strong> analysis <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se verbs as restructuring verbs comes from Marshallese long passives, in which <strong>the</strong>embedded object occurs sentence initially and triggers agreement with <strong>the</strong> subject agreement clitic <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> matrix clause.Mat<strong>the</strong>w Wolf (University <strong>of</strong> Massachusetts, Amherst) Session 17Vice versa as contrastive focusIntuition suggests that <strong>the</strong> meaning <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> expression vice versa is assigned by reversing <strong>the</strong> position <strong>of</strong> two lexical items in <strong>the</strong> clausewith which vice versa is coordinated. After presenting a variety <strong>of</strong> examples <strong>of</strong> vice versa for which <strong>the</strong> intended meaning cannotobtain from such a swapping operation, I show that <strong>the</strong> full range <strong>of</strong> attested readings for vice versa can be captured using an analysisbased on Rooth's 1985 <strong>the</strong>ory <strong>of</strong> contrastive focus, and I present experimental evidence in favor <strong>of</strong> a focus-based approach.Mat<strong>the</strong>w Wolf (University <strong>of</strong> Massachusetts, Amherst) Session 31Shigeto Kawahara (University <strong>of</strong> Massachusetts, Amherst)A root-initial-accenting suffix in JapaneseMany languages have pre- and post-accenting affixes, which cause an accent to be inserted onto <strong>the</strong> root to which <strong>the</strong> affix is attached.It has been claimed (Kurisu 2001, Revithiadou 2006) that this accent universally appears on <strong>the</strong> syllable <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> root immediatelyadjacent to <strong>the</strong> affix that triggers accent-insertion. We present a counter-example from Japanese: a suffix /-zu/ which inserts an accentonto <strong>the</strong> root-initial syllable. We show that <strong>the</strong> /-zu/ data provide evidence for morpheme-specific markedness constraints (Flack toappear), as well as for <strong>the</strong> preferability <strong>of</strong> an autosegmental <strong>the</strong>ory <strong>of</strong> morphological accent over REALIZE-MORPHEME (Kurisu 2001).Tonya Wolford (North Carolina State University) Session 30Keelan Evans (University <strong>of</strong> Pennsylvania)Puerto Ricans’ use <strong>of</strong> AAE & <strong>the</strong> emergence <strong>of</strong> an urban English dialectWe examine <strong>the</strong> occurrence <strong>of</strong> African <strong>America</strong>n English (AAE) forms in <strong>the</strong> speech <strong>of</strong> Puerto Ricans in Philadelphia who arerelatively isolated from <strong>the</strong> African <strong>America</strong>n community. While <strong>the</strong> use <strong>of</strong> nonstandard linguistic variants by Puerto Ricans hasgenerally been attributed to contact with African <strong>America</strong>n English, we found that contact is not necessary for <strong>the</strong> use <strong>of</strong> AAE formsby young Puerto Rican children. Instead, <strong>the</strong> younger children seem to be acquiring <strong>the</strong> AAE forms from <strong>the</strong>ir older siblings andparents who have lived in <strong>the</strong> area for extended periods <strong>of</strong> time.Walt Wolfram (North Carolina State University) Session 30Sociolinguistic folklore in <strong>the</strong> study <strong>of</strong> African <strong>America</strong>n EnglishAlthough sociolinguists have performed a valuable service in challenging folk <strong>the</strong>ories about African <strong>America</strong>n English (AAE), <strong>the</strong>yhave unwittingly participated in <strong>the</strong> construction <strong>of</strong> sociolinguistic folklore about variation and change in AAE. These include <strong>the</strong>supraregional myth, <strong>the</strong> change myth, and <strong>the</strong> social stratification myth. It is proposed that historical circumstance, social andpr<strong>of</strong>essional enculturation, and academic exclusivity contributed to <strong>the</strong> construction <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se questionable axioms about AAE despiteempirical evidence challenging <strong>the</strong>se conclusions. The analysis indicates that unchallenged assumptions, unilateral explanations, andimagined dichotomies need to be scrutinized more critically with regard to <strong>the</strong> canon <strong>of</strong> AAE sociolinguistic description.Sandra K. Wood (University <strong>of</strong> Connecticut) Session 39The wh-insitu paradox: Focus movement & D-linking in multiple wh-questions in ASLPrevious research on wh-questions in ASL has focused primarily on single matrix wh-questions, with little or no data on multiple whquestions.ASL exhibits an in-situ paradox in which <strong>the</strong> object wh-phrase is allowed to remain in-situ in a single wh-question, but notin a multiple wh-question. Using evidence from D-linking in ASL, I argue that, in multiple wh-questions, <strong>the</strong> first wh-phraseundergoes wh-movement (ei<strong>the</strong>r covertly or overtly) to check <strong>the</strong> strong [+wh] feature in C, and <strong>the</strong> second wh-phrase movesrightward as an instance <strong>of</strong> focus movement. Following certain assumptions, this analysis accounts for <strong>the</strong> in-situ paradox in ASL.Tess Wood (University <strong>of</strong> California, Berkeley) WITHDRAWN Session 46Hella degrees & quantitiesI present an analysis <strong>of</strong> two constructions native to Nor<strong>the</strong>rn California, one in English (hella) and one in Yurok (a plural-event174
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Donca Steriade (Massachusetts Insti
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Stephen R. Anderson (Yale Universit
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David Bowie (University of Central
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Sharon Peperkamp (CNRS/University o
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Elena Guerzoni (University of South
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Claire Bowern (Rice University)Morp
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Lise Dobrin (University of Virginia
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We discuss the analysis of the vowe
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Brian Agbayani (California State Un
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squiggly shapes). Disfluency made n
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Adam Baker (University of Arizona)
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final particle; this structure enco
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Travis G. Bradley (University of Ca
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Nancy J. Caplow (University of Cali
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Sarah Churng (University of Washing
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Jennifer Culbertson (Johns Hopkins
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Scott Drellishak (University of Was
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Marc Ettlinger (University of Calif
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Scherre 2001 argue that the phenome
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