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Elena Guerzoni (University of Southern California)The scope of scalarity, additivity, & exclusivity in the composition of some NPIsI focus on the role that scalar (both additive and exclusive) particles (like even and only respectively) play in the semantic compositionof some NPIs. Specifically, I argue that phenomena I explored in earlier work on Italian anche solo, German auch nur, and Dutchook/selfs maar, are instances of a more general cross-linguistic strategy of ‘NPI-formation’. The larger picture that emerges fromthese observations can be understood, I argue, by taking into account the interaction of focus particles with each other and withnegation, DE-operators, and modals. More specifically, I present a detailed study of how the implicature of each relevant particle ispredicted to affect the implicature of the other from the perspective of an explicit model of presupposition projection. The resultingview extends nicely to a similar class of NPIs in languages such as Spanish (as argued in Lahiri 2006), Hungarian (as argued inAbrusan 2006), Japanese (as argued in Nakanishi 2006), and French.Laurence Horn (Yale University)(A)symmetric particles & NPI licensing: Entailment vs assertionI address the problem of (what Giannakidou 2006 calls) ‘renegade licensers’ like only and barely that trigger NPIs although they don'tobviously create downward entailing or nonveridical contexts. Previous studies have either denied that only really does license NPIsor insisted that only NP really is downward entailing after all. Invoking the distinction between semantic entailment and speakerassertion, I advocate a middle ground between the symmetricalists (e.g. Atlas 1996, 2005; Giannakidou 2006) who treat only NPstructures as expressing a simple conjunction and the radical pragmaticists (e.g. Ippolito 2005, van Rooij & Schulz 2005, followingMcCawley 1981) who treat Only love counts as merely conversationally implicating, and not entailing, that love counts.Bernhard Schwarz (McGill University)Licensing by implication: The case of PPI rescuingBaker 1970a and Linebarger 1987 proposed that negative polarity items can be licensed by implications carried by their hostsentences. Building on Baker 1970b, I discuss a clear case of such ‘licensing by implication’ in the grammar of positive polarity items(PPIs). I show that PPIs in the immediate scope of sentential negation can be rescued by counterfactual implications in ‘irrealis’clauses, that is, clauses headed by a verb carrying non-temporally-interpreted past tense morphology. I explore the nature of therelevant implications by examining their projection behavior.88