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View the meeting handbook - Linguistic Society of America

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predictable, and/or restricted in distribution. However, I show that all five <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se properties are amply attested in both ‘syllable-‘and ‘word-tone’ systems. Fur<strong>the</strong>r support will be presented for <strong>the</strong> view that prototypes for stress-accent vs tone are defined by twodistinct clusters <strong>of</strong> properties from which nonprototypical ‘pitch-accent systems’ freely pick-and-choose, producing mixed,ambiguous, and sometimes analytically indeterminate systems which appear to be ‘intermediate’. These systems nei<strong>the</strong>r define a thirdprototype nor can <strong>the</strong>y be placed along a single continuum.Atakan Ince (University <strong>of</strong> Maryland, College Park) Session 29Non-wh-phrases in sluicing in TurkishThis study analyzes sluicing structures in Turkish where one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> remnants is a wh-phrase and <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r a non-wh-phrase. I showthat <strong>the</strong>se are not gapping structures because whereas <strong>the</strong> ordering <strong>of</strong> remnants in gapping is not strict, sluicing requires <strong>the</strong> strictordering <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> non-wh-DP before <strong>the</strong> wh-phrase, even when <strong>the</strong> wh-phrase is <strong>the</strong> subject and <strong>the</strong> DP is <strong>the</strong> object. This ordering is <strong>the</strong>opposite <strong>of</strong> similar structures in Hungarian and Russian. I argue that <strong>the</strong> non-wh-phrase is in contrastive TopicP and <strong>the</strong> wh-phrase isin FocusP, and <strong>the</strong> ordering <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se phrases differs in languages.David Ingram (Arizona State University) Session 53Phonological determinants <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> vocabulary spurt in childrenThe present study explores <strong>the</strong> hypo<strong>the</strong>sis that <strong>the</strong> vocabulary spurt children undergo between <strong>the</strong> ages <strong>of</strong> 1 and 2 is <strong>the</strong> result <strong>of</strong>changes in <strong>the</strong>ir phonological system. Phonological analyses were conducted on diary studies <strong>of</strong> children acquiring English, French,Hebrew, and Czech. The results found partial support for <strong>the</strong> hypo<strong>the</strong>sis, with <strong>the</strong> children showing in varying degrees phonologicalchanges coinciding with <strong>the</strong> word spurt. Changes in phonotactics, ei<strong>the</strong>r due to new combinations <strong>of</strong> acquired sounds or <strong>the</strong> spread <strong>of</strong>acquired sounds to new word positions, led to greater increases in word learning than <strong>the</strong> addition <strong>of</strong> new sounds.Shinichiro Ishihara (University <strong>of</strong> Potsdam) Session 21Focus intonation embedding in Japanese wh-questionI report experimental results on a property <strong>of</strong> focus intonation (FI) in Japanese that has not been reported before. Deguchi andKitagawa 2002 and Ishihara 2002 claim that in wh-question sentences, <strong>the</strong> prosodic domain <strong>of</strong> FI corresponds to <strong>the</strong> semantic scope <strong>of</strong><strong>the</strong> wh-question. In a matrix wh-question containing an indirect wh-question, where two wh-phrases take different scopes, twoindependent FIs are expected. The results reveal that in such sentences, <strong>the</strong> FI <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> embedded wh-question is realized, but embeddedinside that <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> matrix wh-question. I discuss problems <strong>of</strong> previous accounts <strong>of</strong> Japanese FI and possible solutions.Michael Israel (University <strong>of</strong> Maryland, College Park) Session 17Who cares & why bo<strong>the</strong>r: Polarity sensitivity in <strong>the</strong> verbal lexiconI argue that <strong>the</strong> restricted distributions <strong>of</strong> polarity sensitive verbs reflect <strong>the</strong>ir status as grammaticalized scalar pragmatic operators.Both verbal NPIs and PPIs are shown to cluster in a few narrowly defined semantic domains where <strong>the</strong>y pr<strong>of</strong>ile inherently scalarrelations between a volitional experiencer and an event type. While such polarity items conform to very general patterns, evidencefrom both adult and children's usage suggests that <strong>the</strong>y are mentally represented in ways that are item-specific and that must belearned from experience. These results are taken as evidence for a usage-based approach to <strong>the</strong> grammar <strong>of</strong> polarity sensitivity.Rika Ito (St. Olaf College) Session 64Hmong in transition: Acoustic analysis <strong>of</strong> Hmong <strong>America</strong>n English in <strong>the</strong> Twin CitiesI examine <strong>the</strong> vowel system <strong>of</strong> 12 Hmong <strong>America</strong>ns in <strong>the</strong> Twin Cities to assess <strong>the</strong>ir degree <strong>of</strong> accommodation to <strong>the</strong> Nor<strong>the</strong>rnCities Shift. The Hmong are one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> latest to arrive in <strong>the</strong> U.S. from Asia. Preliminary results suggest that Hmong <strong>America</strong>ns haveaccommodated <strong>the</strong>ir speech to <strong>the</strong> local norm to some degree. The low front vowel is fronted but not raised for both men and women.The low back vowels are not merged, and both occupy relatively conservative positions. I discuss <strong>the</strong> effect <strong>of</strong> age, gender, level <strong>of</strong>education, and age <strong>of</strong> arrival in <strong>the</strong> U.S.Ray Jackend<strong>of</strong>f (Tufts University) Session 13The week after week construction & its <strong>the</strong>oretical challengesThe English NPN (week after week) construction is productive with five prepositions--by, for, to, after, and (up)on--with a variety <strong>of</strong>meanings, including succession, juxtaposition, and comparison; it also has numerous idiomatic cases. This mixture <strong>of</strong> regularity andidiosyncrasy lends itself to a construction grammar account, in which <strong>the</strong> lexicon includes specified syntactic structures matched with132

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