Jonathan Howell (Cornell University) Session 18Second occurrence focus & <strong>the</strong> acoustics <strong>of</strong> prominencePartee 1991 challenged <strong>the</strong> significance <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> observation that certain adverbs (e.g. only) reliably ‘associate’ with phonologicallyprominent words to truth-conditional effect. She noted second occurrence focus appears to lack a phonological realization, e.g. (1).Several recent studies have suggested that <strong>the</strong> focus is realized by o<strong>the</strong>r cues including duration and intensity.(1) a. Johnson only PEDDLES pedals lately.b. Even THOMPSON only peddles pedals lately.I report on a small production study showing that, contra many assumptions, a simple duration difference is not a straightforwardindication <strong>of</strong> semantic focus. I address spectral cues and perception.Yuchau E. Hsiao (National Chengchi University) Session 31The rhythmic structure <strong>of</strong> Taiwan folk verseA topic that has recently attracted much attention is <strong>the</strong> grammar <strong>of</strong> metrics. I discuss <strong>the</strong> rhythm <strong>of</strong> Taiwan folk verse, based on acorpus <strong>of</strong> 2,648 lines. Unlike <strong>the</strong> classical verses, where every syllable receives a beat, <strong>the</strong> folk verses allow two syllables to share abeat and allow grammatical words to contrast rhythmically. Some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> folk verse lines may have alternative readings--one derivedby one-to-one mapping, while <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r by beat sharing. I posit a set <strong>of</strong> constraints to govern <strong>the</strong> beat assignments under OT andexplore a general <strong>the</strong>ory <strong>of</strong> meter.Sarah Hulsey (Masachusetts Institute <strong>of</strong> Technology) Session 56Distributed modal readings in gapping sentencesThere is a conjunction/disjunction asymmetry in gapping sentences containing a modal. Conjunction always takes narrow scoperelative to <strong>the</strong> modal; disjunction may take ei<strong>the</strong>r narrow- or wide-scope. I adopt a Hamblin semantics for disjunction: or is not aBoolean operator, but introduces a set <strong>of</strong> alternatives; <strong>the</strong> modal can distribute pointwise over <strong>the</strong> Alt-set, giving <strong>the</strong> distributed modalreading. In contrast, I analyze conjunction as a traditional Boolean operation (defined for sets). This analysis makes predictions for<strong>the</strong> distribution <strong>of</strong> various modals in negated gapping sentences.Hyekyung Hwang (University <strong>of</strong> Hawaii, Manoa) Session 54Amy J. Schafer (University <strong>of</strong> Hawaii, Manoa)Length effects in <strong>the</strong> resolution <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> dative NP ambiguity in KoreanPrevious reports on whe<strong>the</strong>r implicit prosody influences syntactic disambiguation in silent reading have been mixed. While Hirose2003 found phrase length effects in Japanese, Jun and Kim 2004 did not find an effect <strong>of</strong> relative clause length on prosodic phrasing inproduction in Korean, although RC length did affect <strong>of</strong>f-line perception. We examine whe<strong>the</strong>r and how <strong>the</strong> length <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> matrixsubject affects a following dative NP's on-line attachment preferences in Korean sentences. Our results indicate effects <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>preceding phrase length on dative NP attachment during silent reading, supporting <strong>the</strong> implicit prosody hypo<strong>the</strong>sis (Fodor 1998,2002).Jiwon Hwang (University at Stony Brook, State University <strong>of</strong> New York) Session 55Ellen Broselow (University at Stony Brook, State University <strong>of</strong> New York)Susana de Leon (University at Stony Brook, State University <strong>of</strong> New York)Nancy Squires (University at Stony Brook, State University <strong>of</strong> New York)Minimizing <strong>the</strong> distance between perception & productionWe report on results <strong>of</strong> behavioral and ERP studies <strong>of</strong> perception in which Korean listeners were presented with pairs <strong>of</strong> stimuli alonga continuum that ranged from no vowel (e.g. tegnal) to a full vowel (e.g. tegnal) at intervals <strong>of</strong> 20msec. This experiment revealed that<strong>the</strong> boundary for categorical perception <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> /stop-nasal/ vs /stopV-nasal/ varies by place. We propose that Korean speakers'tendency to insert a vowel more <strong>of</strong>ten in /gN/ sequences than in /bN/ sequences is due to this perceptual asymmetry.Larry M. Hyman (University <strong>of</strong> California, Berkeley) Session 31There is no pitch-accent prototypeMany scholars use <strong>the</strong> term ‘pitch-accent’ to refer to a defective tone system whose mark is obligatory, culminative, privative,131
predictable, and/or restricted in distribution. However, I show that all five <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se properties are amply attested in both ‘syllable-‘and ‘word-tone’ systems. Fur<strong>the</strong>r support will be presented for <strong>the</strong> view that prototypes for stress-accent vs tone are defined by twodistinct clusters <strong>of</strong> properties from which nonprototypical ‘pitch-accent systems’ freely pick-and-choose, producing mixed,ambiguous, and sometimes analytically indeterminate systems which appear to be ‘intermediate’. These systems nei<strong>the</strong>r define a thirdprototype nor can <strong>the</strong>y be placed along a single continuum.Atakan Ince (University <strong>of</strong> Maryland, College Park) Session 29Non-wh-phrases in sluicing in TurkishThis study analyzes sluicing structures in Turkish where one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> remnants is a wh-phrase and <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r a non-wh-phrase. I showthat <strong>the</strong>se are not gapping structures because whereas <strong>the</strong> ordering <strong>of</strong> remnants in gapping is not strict, sluicing requires <strong>the</strong> strictordering <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> non-wh-DP before <strong>the</strong> wh-phrase, even when <strong>the</strong> wh-phrase is <strong>the</strong> subject and <strong>the</strong> DP is <strong>the</strong> object. This ordering is <strong>the</strong>opposite <strong>of</strong> similar structures in Hungarian and Russian. I argue that <strong>the</strong> non-wh-phrase is in contrastive TopicP and <strong>the</strong> wh-phrase isin FocusP, and <strong>the</strong> ordering <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se phrases differs in languages.David Ingram (Arizona State University) Session 53Phonological determinants <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> vocabulary spurt in childrenThe present study explores <strong>the</strong> hypo<strong>the</strong>sis that <strong>the</strong> vocabulary spurt children undergo between <strong>the</strong> ages <strong>of</strong> 1 and 2 is <strong>the</strong> result <strong>of</strong>changes in <strong>the</strong>ir phonological system. Phonological analyses were conducted on diary studies <strong>of</strong> children acquiring English, French,Hebrew, and Czech. The results found partial support for <strong>the</strong> hypo<strong>the</strong>sis, with <strong>the</strong> children showing in varying degrees phonologicalchanges coinciding with <strong>the</strong> word spurt. Changes in phonotactics, ei<strong>the</strong>r due to new combinations <strong>of</strong> acquired sounds or <strong>the</strong> spread <strong>of</strong>acquired sounds to new word positions, led to greater increases in word learning than <strong>the</strong> addition <strong>of</strong> new sounds.Shinichiro Ishihara (University <strong>of</strong> Potsdam) Session 21Focus intonation embedding in Japanese wh-questionI report experimental results on a property <strong>of</strong> focus intonation (FI) in Japanese that has not been reported before. Deguchi andKitagawa 2002 and Ishihara 2002 claim that in wh-question sentences, <strong>the</strong> prosodic domain <strong>of</strong> FI corresponds to <strong>the</strong> semantic scope <strong>of</strong><strong>the</strong> wh-question. In a matrix wh-question containing an indirect wh-question, where two wh-phrases take different scopes, twoindependent FIs are expected. The results reveal that in such sentences, <strong>the</strong> FI <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> embedded wh-question is realized, but embeddedinside that <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> matrix wh-question. I discuss problems <strong>of</strong> previous accounts <strong>of</strong> Japanese FI and possible solutions.Michael Israel (University <strong>of</strong> Maryland, College Park) Session 17Who cares & why bo<strong>the</strong>r: Polarity sensitivity in <strong>the</strong> verbal lexiconI argue that <strong>the</strong> restricted distributions <strong>of</strong> polarity sensitive verbs reflect <strong>the</strong>ir status as grammaticalized scalar pragmatic operators.Both verbal NPIs and PPIs are shown to cluster in a few narrowly defined semantic domains where <strong>the</strong>y pr<strong>of</strong>ile inherently scalarrelations between a volitional experiencer and an event type. While such polarity items conform to very general patterns, evidencefrom both adult and children's usage suggests that <strong>the</strong>y are mentally represented in ways that are item-specific and that must belearned from experience. These results are taken as evidence for a usage-based approach to <strong>the</strong> grammar <strong>of</strong> polarity sensitivity.Rika Ito (St. Olaf College) Session 64Hmong in transition: Acoustic analysis <strong>of</strong> Hmong <strong>America</strong>n English in <strong>the</strong> Twin CitiesI examine <strong>the</strong> vowel system <strong>of</strong> 12 Hmong <strong>America</strong>ns in <strong>the</strong> Twin Cities to assess <strong>the</strong>ir degree <strong>of</strong> accommodation to <strong>the</strong> Nor<strong>the</strong>rnCities Shift. The Hmong are one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> latest to arrive in <strong>the</strong> U.S. from Asia. Preliminary results suggest that Hmong <strong>America</strong>ns haveaccommodated <strong>the</strong>ir speech to <strong>the</strong> local norm to some degree. The low front vowel is fronted but not raised for both men and women.The low back vowels are not merged, and both occupy relatively conservative positions. I discuss <strong>the</strong> effect <strong>of</strong> age, gender, level <strong>of</strong>education, and age <strong>of</strong> arrival in <strong>the</strong> U.S.Ray Jackend<strong>of</strong>f (Tufts University) Session 13The week after week construction & its <strong>the</strong>oretical challengesThe English NPN (week after week) construction is productive with five prepositions--by, for, to, after, and (up)on--with a variety <strong>of</strong>meanings, including succession, juxtaposition, and comparison; it also has numerous idiomatic cases. This mixture <strong>of</strong> regularity andidiosyncrasy lends itself to a construction grammar account, in which <strong>the</strong> lexicon includes specified syntactic structures matched with132
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Donca Steriade (Massachusetts Insti
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