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View the meeting handbook - Linguistic Society of America

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Michael Cahill (SIL International) Session 23The phonetics & phonology <strong>of</strong> labial velars in DagbaniDagbani has <strong>the</strong> unusual [tp, df] as allophones <strong>of</strong> /kp, gb/ before front vowels (e.g. kpání ‘spear’, but tpíní ‘guinea fowl’). Words liketpíní (more narrowly, [cp íní] also show significant friction in <strong>the</strong> release, due to palatal tongue blade position. As asymmetrical twoplacedfeature geometry is necessary to explain this categorical but partial place change, with [labial] place being primary for /kp/ and[dorsal] being secondary. The [coronal] <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> front vowel spreads leftward, displacing <strong>the</strong> [dorsal] V-place feature <strong>of</strong> /kp/. Result:[labial] under C-place remains, but V-place now has [coronal], shared with <strong>the</strong> vowel, that is, tpi, not *kpi.Ca<strong>the</strong>rine A. Callaghan (Ohio State University) Session 101Costanoan reclassificationA reanalysis <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> data argues for <strong>the</strong> following reclassification <strong>of</strong> Costanoan languages:I. KarkinII. Nor<strong>the</strong>rn CostanoanA. SF Bay. This was a single language, united by trade across <strong>the</strong> San Francisco Bay, with Ramaytush, Chochenyo, and Tamyenas <strong>the</strong> chief dialects.B. Chalon (Soledad)III. Sou<strong>the</strong>rn Costanoan.A. South Central1. Awaswas (Santa Cruz)2. MutsunB. RumsenRichard Cameron (University <strong>of</strong> Illinois, Chicago) Session 49Gender segregation & sociolinguistic variation in two Chicago elementary schoolsChildren's social orders show relative gender segregation. Emerging around age 3, segregation peaks in middle childhood and <strong>the</strong>ndecreases. If children separate along gender lines, <strong>the</strong>ir cross-gender interactions will not be as frequent as interactions within <strong>the</strong>irsame gender groups. If less frequent, in keeping with Bloomfield's (1933:46) ‘density <strong>of</strong> communication’ principle, one may predictstatistical differences to emerge progressively among girls and boys. This prediction is investigated in <strong>the</strong> English spoken by childrenfrom two public schools in <strong>the</strong> Chicago metropolitan area. Focusing on two stable sociolinguistic variables, (dh) and (ing), we findsupport for <strong>the</strong> prediction.Kathryn Campbell-Kibler (University <strong>of</strong> Michigan) Session 19Integrating social information into sociolinguistic comprehensionI explored how background social information shapes <strong>the</strong> contribution <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> variable (ing). Open-ended interviews and a web-basedexperiment used four recordings <strong>of</strong> spontaneous speech, presented as talk show excerpts. Speakers were described as pr<strong>of</strong>essionals,academics, or political candidates and were rated on seven six-point scales. Background information influenced (ing) on pairs <strong>of</strong>responses, such that when speakers were presented as pr<strong>of</strong>essionals (but not academics or politicians), ratings <strong>of</strong> trustworthiness andintelligence increased with perceived political left-leaning for -in guises, and with right-leaning for -ing. The social meaning <strong>of</strong> avariable is thus influenced by external social information.Rebeka Campos-Astorkiza (University <strong>of</strong> Sou<strong>the</strong>rn California) Session 2Representation <strong>of</strong> minimal contrast: Evidence from phonetic processesI focus on <strong>the</strong> role <strong>of</strong> minimal contrast. Minimally contrastive segments are pairs <strong>of</strong> segments that differ just along one dimension <strong>of</strong>contrast. I present experimental evidence from Lithuanian showing <strong>the</strong> influence <strong>of</strong> minimal length contrast on a phonetic process thatmodifies duration, i.e., <strong>the</strong> voicing effect <strong>of</strong> obstruents on preceding vowels. Based on <strong>the</strong>se results, I argue that <strong>the</strong> phonologicalrepresentation must include information about minimal contrast, which <strong>the</strong> phonetic component can access. I formalize minimalcontrast with a contrast-coindexing mechanism, framed within optimality <strong>the</strong>ory. Contrast-coindexing applies to minimallycontrastive segments capable <strong>of</strong> distinguishing pairs <strong>of</strong> words.109

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