Marvin Kramer (Dharma Realm Buddhist University) Session 86Alienable/inalienable possession in Saramaccan as a transferred feature from FongbeNew data reveal Saramaccan to have a fully developed typologically consistent A/I system, with similarities to <strong>the</strong> Fongbe A/I systemthat suggest transfer. Both systems have fluidity for inalienables where <strong>the</strong> GEN marking is preferred while OBJ marking is moreassociated with alienables, not atypical <strong>of</strong> an A/I distinction, but language-specific. In both systems <strong>the</strong> GEN marker has a tighter bondwith <strong>the</strong> possessed item, a language-specific version <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> generalization that inalienable possession is less dependent-marked thanalienable. Transfer <strong>of</strong> A/I into Saramaccan would present a counterexample to arguments in McWhorter 2001, 2004 that A/I wouldnot transfer.Jelena Krivokapic (University <strong>of</strong> Sou<strong>the</strong>rn California) Session 18An experimental inquiry into <strong>the</strong> relation <strong>of</strong> prosodic boundary perception & articulationPerceptual and kinematic experimentation is combined to examine speakers' perception <strong>of</strong> phrase boundaries in relation to <strong>the</strong>temporal articulatory properties <strong>of</strong> prosodic boundaries. Subjects read 24 sentences containing <strong>the</strong> string C 1 #VC 2 , where # is aprosodic boundary varying in strength. Thirty subjects estimated <strong>the</strong> prosodic boundary strength by listening. Parameters <strong>of</strong>consonant duration were measured using articulator movement-tracking data (EMA). For <strong>the</strong> subjects analyzed to date <strong>the</strong> resultsshow that perceived boundary strength (PBS) is statistically correlated with <strong>the</strong> temporal quality <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> constrictions at <strong>the</strong> boundary.Fur<strong>the</strong>r, <strong>the</strong> response data show a gradient distribution <strong>of</strong> PBS. [Supported by NIH.]Paul D. Kroeber (Indiana University) Session 95Alsea serial verbsIn Alsea (Oregon coast), a single clause sometimes contains two finite verbs, in somewhat flexible order, and not necessarily adjacent;one verb has auxiliary-like semantics, normally ei<strong>the</strong>r 'try' or '(do) again'. Both verbs in <strong>the</strong> clause are marked identically forcategories including object person, transitivity, realis/irrealis, imperative, and passive. (Subjects are clause-level clitics.) Some o<strong>the</strong>rcategories, mostly closer to <strong>the</strong> root--derivational ra<strong>the</strong>r than inflectional?--are marked only on <strong>the</strong> non-‘auxiliary’ verb, e.g. reflexive,durative.Paul V. Kroskrity (University <strong>of</strong> California, Los Angeles) Session 104Understanding Arizona Tewa inverse constructionsArizona Tewa inverses defy two <strong>of</strong> six criteria conventionally attributed to ‘inverse constructions’. One, <strong>the</strong>y do change case markingby obligatorily marking agents as ‘oblique’. Two, inverses provide a structure which focuses on patients and tends to suppress agentarguments. Morphological evidence provided by an examination <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> inverse prefix set clearly establishes <strong>the</strong> coding priority <strong>of</strong>patients by invariably displaying more number and person information about patient ra<strong>the</strong>r than agent arguments. This focus onpatient and de-focus <strong>of</strong> agent is also evidenced in syntactic processes like relativization and discourse measures like topic continuity intraditional narratives.Ivona Kucerova (Massachusetts Institute <strong>of</strong> Technology) WITHDRAWN Session 1Derivational intervention & Icelandic agreementHolmberg and Hroarsdottir 2003 (among o<strong>the</strong>rs) argued that long-distance agreement across a dative argument (DAT) in Icelandic issensitive to phi-features <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> DAT and must be computed globally. I argue instead that agreement is always local and proceeds in astrictly derivational fashion. I show with new data that agreement reflects <strong>the</strong> syntactic position <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> intervening DAT: A DATbehaves as an intervener only if it does not undergo object shift, i.e., semantically motivated movement. Thus, agreement hassemantic consequences: It directly reflects whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> intervener has undergone semantically driven movement or not.Chi-hsien Kuo Session 24Information status & discourse functions <strong>of</strong> conditionals in MandarinThis study investigates <strong>the</strong> relationship between conditional functions and <strong>the</strong> information status <strong>of</strong> conditionals in Mandarin. Thedatabase <strong>of</strong> this study consists <strong>of</strong> 204 conditionals from TV talk shows, radio talk shows, and casual conversations between closefriends. The information status <strong>of</strong> conditionals is assigned according to <strong>the</strong> status <strong>of</strong> NPs used in <strong>the</strong> conditionals. The results showthat <strong>the</strong> information status <strong>of</strong> conditionals is closely related to <strong>the</strong> discourse functions <strong>of</strong> conditionals, i.e. repeating, presenting <strong>the</strong>opposite, broadening, narrowing down, and polite directives. Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore, <strong>the</strong> relationship between conditional functions anddiscourse genres is significant.139
Pei-Jung Kuo (University <strong>of</strong> Connecticut) Session 22Children's acquisition <strong>of</strong> English expletive constructionsI conducted an acquisitional investigation inspired by Freeze 1992, which claims that existential constructions are derived fromlocative inversion. Based on this claim, my study predicts an ordering effect, with <strong>the</strong> child's first use <strong>of</strong> presentational locativeinversion (PLI) prior to, or at <strong>the</strong> same time as, <strong>the</strong> first use <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> expletive construction (Expl). I examined 12 British Englishspeaking and 7 <strong>America</strong>n English speaking children in <strong>the</strong> CHILDES database. The final results showed that <strong>the</strong> ordering PLI
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