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WINTER 2012 - National Association of Schools of Public Affairs and ...

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FROM THE GUEST EDITOR<br />

FROM THE GUEST EDITOR—PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION PROFESSORS FROM THE<br />

WORKING CLASS<br />

Americans <strong>of</strong> higher socioeconomic status live longer (Riegelman, 2010),<br />

are more likely to vote (Lijphart, 1997), have better dental health (Huntington,<br />

Krall, Garcia, & Spiro, 1999; Milgrom et al., 1998), <strong>and</strong> smoke less (Legacy,<br />

n.d.). The considerable effects <strong>of</strong> social class are particularly evident in<br />

determining educational outcomes. Children born <strong>of</strong> higher socioeconomic<br />

families are more likely to finish high school, attend <strong>and</strong> complete college, finish<br />

an advanced degree, become faculty members, <strong>and</strong> be academic administrators<br />

(see, e.g., Boatsman & Antony, 1995; Bowen, Kurzweil, & Tobin, 2005; deLone,<br />

1979; Dews & Law, 1995; Gerald & Haycock, 2006; Kahlenberg, 1996; Lipset<br />

& Ladd, 1979; Lubrano, 2005; Mikulak, 1990; Oldfield, 2010a, b; Oldfield &<br />

Conant, 2001; Ryan & Sackrey, 1984; Shepard, McMillan, & Tate, 1998; Stetar<br />

& Finkelstein, 1997). Kniffin (2007) <strong>of</strong>fers an extensive review <strong>of</strong> the literature<br />

showing how social class background strongly affects one’s chances <strong>of</strong> completing<br />

the PhD <strong>and</strong> becoming a university pr<strong>of</strong>essor. Even then, job c<strong>and</strong>idates from<br />

wealthier class origins are more likely to attend <strong>and</strong> find employment at higherstatus<br />

colleges <strong>and</strong> universities (Mullen, 2010; Schmidt, 2010). Rather than<br />

evening the odds for success by <strong>of</strong>fering people <strong>of</strong> humble origins a chance to<br />

rise above their circumstances, the evidence suggests America’s formal learning<br />

system generally reinforces existing social class arrangements <strong>and</strong> the ideology<br />

that sustains them. The striking upward redistribution <strong>of</strong> wealth <strong>and</strong> income<br />

(Bussa, 2010; Domh<strong>of</strong>f, 2011; Noah, 2010; Norton & Ariely, 2011; Phillips,<br />

2002) occurring over the last several years can only intensify these disparities in<br />

educational opportunities <strong>and</strong> outcomes.<br />

Hart <strong>and</strong> Risley’s (1995) analysis <strong>of</strong> parenting practices among lower-,<br />

middle-, <strong>and</strong> upper-class families presents a meticulous accounting <strong>of</strong> the<br />

significant advantages derived from being born <strong>of</strong> higher socioeconomic<br />

circumstances, benefits that greatly elevate one’s odds <strong>of</strong> success in formal<br />

education in particular <strong>and</strong> life in general. These advantages include, among<br />

others, vocabulary skills, sense <strong>of</strong> worth, self-assurance, poise, <strong>and</strong> higher<br />

st<strong>and</strong>ardized test scores. Speaking about class differences in language acquisition,<br />

a key ingredient for success in life <strong>and</strong> formal learning, Bloom succinctly<br />

characterizes Hart <strong>and</strong> Risley’s empirical findings as follows:<br />

We have long known that children differ greatly in when they begin to<br />

learn language <strong>and</strong> how fast they learn once they begin. The children in<br />

this study did indeed differ. Some began to learn words with a learning<br />

trajectory that took <strong>of</strong>f like a small rocket. But other children, who<br />

may even have begun to say words at about the same age, were much<br />

Journal <strong>of</strong> <strong>Public</strong> <strong>Affairs</strong> Education 9

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