WINTER 2012 - National Association of Schools of Public Affairs and ...
WINTER 2012 - National Association of Schools of Public Affairs and ...
WINTER 2012 - National Association of Schools of Public Affairs and ...
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FROM THE GUEST EDITOR<br />
FROM THE GUEST EDITOR—PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION PROFESSORS FROM THE<br />
WORKING CLASS<br />
Americans <strong>of</strong> higher socioeconomic status live longer (Riegelman, 2010),<br />
are more likely to vote (Lijphart, 1997), have better dental health (Huntington,<br />
Krall, Garcia, & Spiro, 1999; Milgrom et al., 1998), <strong>and</strong> smoke less (Legacy,<br />
n.d.). The considerable effects <strong>of</strong> social class are particularly evident in<br />
determining educational outcomes. Children born <strong>of</strong> higher socioeconomic<br />
families are more likely to finish high school, attend <strong>and</strong> complete college, finish<br />
an advanced degree, become faculty members, <strong>and</strong> be academic administrators<br />
(see, e.g., Boatsman & Antony, 1995; Bowen, Kurzweil, & Tobin, 2005; deLone,<br />
1979; Dews & Law, 1995; Gerald & Haycock, 2006; Kahlenberg, 1996; Lipset<br />
& Ladd, 1979; Lubrano, 2005; Mikulak, 1990; Oldfield, 2010a, b; Oldfield &<br />
Conant, 2001; Ryan & Sackrey, 1984; Shepard, McMillan, & Tate, 1998; Stetar<br />
& Finkelstein, 1997). Kniffin (2007) <strong>of</strong>fers an extensive review <strong>of</strong> the literature<br />
showing how social class background strongly affects one’s chances <strong>of</strong> completing<br />
the PhD <strong>and</strong> becoming a university pr<strong>of</strong>essor. Even then, job c<strong>and</strong>idates from<br />
wealthier class origins are more likely to attend <strong>and</strong> find employment at higherstatus<br />
colleges <strong>and</strong> universities (Mullen, 2010; Schmidt, 2010). Rather than<br />
evening the odds for success by <strong>of</strong>fering people <strong>of</strong> humble origins a chance to<br />
rise above their circumstances, the evidence suggests America’s formal learning<br />
system generally reinforces existing social class arrangements <strong>and</strong> the ideology<br />
that sustains them. The striking upward redistribution <strong>of</strong> wealth <strong>and</strong> income<br />
(Bussa, 2010; Domh<strong>of</strong>f, 2011; Noah, 2010; Norton & Ariely, 2011; Phillips,<br />
2002) occurring over the last several years can only intensify these disparities in<br />
educational opportunities <strong>and</strong> outcomes.<br />
Hart <strong>and</strong> Risley’s (1995) analysis <strong>of</strong> parenting practices among lower-,<br />
middle-, <strong>and</strong> upper-class families presents a meticulous accounting <strong>of</strong> the<br />
significant advantages derived from being born <strong>of</strong> higher socioeconomic<br />
circumstances, benefits that greatly elevate one’s odds <strong>of</strong> success in formal<br />
education in particular <strong>and</strong> life in general. These advantages include, among<br />
others, vocabulary skills, sense <strong>of</strong> worth, self-assurance, poise, <strong>and</strong> higher<br />
st<strong>and</strong>ardized test scores. Speaking about class differences in language acquisition,<br />
a key ingredient for success in life <strong>and</strong> formal learning, Bloom succinctly<br />
characterizes Hart <strong>and</strong> Risley’s empirical findings as follows:<br />
We have long known that children differ greatly in when they begin to<br />
learn language <strong>and</strong> how fast they learn once they begin. The children in<br />
this study did indeed differ. Some began to learn words with a learning<br />
trajectory that took <strong>of</strong>f like a small rocket. But other children, who<br />
may even have begun to say words at about the same age, were much<br />
Journal <strong>of</strong> <strong>Public</strong> <strong>Affairs</strong> Education 9