Eye for an Eye: The Role of Armed Resistance ... - Freedom Archives

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offensive by the local Movement andCORE activists, the Klan and local police began to harass Movement activists and members of the Black community. Klan nightriders invaded and terrorized the Black community in the evenings . Blacks however responded . In July of 1964, local white supremacists were mobilized by the presence of two white CORE activists, Bill Yates and Steve Miller . The Bogulusa chief of police and a Washington Parish deputy sheriff came to the home of Robert Hicks, the Voters League vice president, who was to pro- vide lodging to the visiting activists. The two law enforcement officials informed Hicks that a white mob of well over 1700 was mobilizing downtown and that Adeste and Miller needed to leave town that evening . Hicks asked the officers for protection but was refused . Before leaving, the officers noted a growing number of armed Black men, over seventy five people, who were arriving at the fucks residence to protect him and the CORE workers . Hicks believed that the officers awareness of the presence of armed Blacks prevented a lynch mob from invading his home that evening. Later that summer, six white racists came into a Black Bogalusa neighborhood and physically attacked two civil rights activists . They were apprehended by Black civilians, who held them until the police arrived . Blacks were alarmed that the police did not arrest the white civilians , but allowed them to go free. These kind of incidents led Bogalusa Blacks to the conclusion that the Black community needed an organized armed force to protect its neigh- borhoods and the Movement.' On February 21, 1965, Earnest Thomas of the Jonesboro Deacons was present at a meeting in Bogalusa in his capacity as spokesperson for the Deacon for Defense and Justice . The purpose of this meeting was to discuss the formation
of the Deacons in Bogulusa. The leadership of the local Bogalusa Voter's League and CORE were present at this meeting. According to FBI surveillance reports of this meeting, Thomas informed the Bogalusa activists what was necessary to form a chapter of the Deacons . He also discussed what type of weapons, ammunition, and logistical support was necessary for this level of paramilitary organization. According to FBI reports, the Jonesboro Deacons' spokesperson also revealed to the Bogalusa group that he had contacts in Chicago and Houston who could supply automatic weapons . Another feature ofThomas' presentation alarmed the FBI. They were concerned about his call for paramilitary, armed patrols to prevent law enforcement from arresting Black people and Movement workers." The day after the meeting with Thomas, the leaders of the Voters League met to discuss the merits of forming a Deacons chapter in Bogalusa . FBI counter- intelligence document report that Bogalusa Voters League vice-president Robert Hicks reviewed the details of the previous days meeting. According to the FBI reports, Hicks "pointed out to those in attendance . . .the advantages of arming themselves . Hicks went into detail concerning how young Negroes could defend themselves by converging on police officers at the time the arrest of a Negro was being made . Three days later, Hicks was visited by two FBI agents who warned him about associating with the Deacons . Despite this type of harassment, Bogalusa activists, including Hicks and Voters League presidentA.Z. Young decided to form a chapter of the Deacons . Besides being Voters league leaders and organizers of the Deacons, Hicks and Young were playing a central role in orga- nizing Black workers at Crown Zellerbach to challenge racial discrimination at the local plants . The local Black union was intimately tied to the local Movemem
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Eye for an Eye: The Role ofArmed Re
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This is an authorized facsimile, ma
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ABSTRACT Although, the Civil Rights
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Light and Power on their spirits Mo
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Eye for an Eye: The Role ofArmed Re
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TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction 1 Ch
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armed resistance in Black struggle
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Review of the Literature The Litera
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from advocates of armed self-defens
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the Movement. Each of these authors
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whom were committed to and practice
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and enforced against Black humanity
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transcript" of insurgency that has
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Chapter One: Historic Armed Black R
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to Kongolese armies. The use of arm
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people who were antagonistic to the
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nation, and to promise Africans fre
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coons to chattel status. Rather tha
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South legal . The Seminoles prepare
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more than slaves or mercenaries . A
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maroons, calling themselves the "Ki
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Adams county, Mississippi, in 1861
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The same year abolitionist and fugi
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separate Black army with its own "c
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soldiers defended their sisters and
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Southern whites were not willing to
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die where they stood before they wo
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teers throughout Hinds county. Real
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supremacy was not secure without th
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hours . While in each case there we
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of Alabama, to be armed at their me
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initiated gunfire after hearing rum
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apists . In February of 1948, Mrs.
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U .S . Army, was known as a sharpsh
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11 . Kenneth Wiggins Porter, The Ne
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31 . Edwin S. Redkey, AGrand Army o
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North Carolina Press, 19903, 44-45
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in the Age of Jim C,Eow, states tha
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S 1,614 for whites . Close to two-t
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ers his father would not allow him
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ist mob continued their intimidatio
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unit designed after the Mau Mau of
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the 1954 U .S . Supreme Court decis
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he refused to persuade the thirty r
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Meredith to "Ole Miss." Because of
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eturned home around midnight . Myrl
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11 . C.O . Chinn, interview by the
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crime . He was abducted by a mob of
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Chapter Three: The Non-Violent Move
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as the popular leader of this new o
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ments for protest based on moral an
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ticed some form of self-defense cov
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and NAACP organizer. Moore had assi
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On Moore's recommendation, Moses fi
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house, under pillows, under chairs
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lacks to challenge Amite's white po
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including Medgar Evers and Roy Wilk
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practice of self-defense . To warn
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Mississippi officials, charging the
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Anyone participating in the march h
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and harassed, local police did not
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Blacks alike were amazed that the g
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ase for SNCCICOFO and the Mississip
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with its own identity in the state
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military soured after Chinn openly
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Besides this group of protective gu
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for younger activists to challenge
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9, 1984, 1-B- 10B ; Chuck McDew int
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47 . Ibid, 178-179 ; Dennis, interv
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demonstrate that disenfranchised Mi
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franchised Black voters, the organi
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themselves and advising SNCC activi
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massacre as implied by Hall . Other
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to be a force in the Southern movem
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CORE also was engaged in debate con
Page 151 and 152: Schwerner, and one Freedom Summer v
Page 153 and 154: Goodman . Another element of this c
Page 155 and 156: Black history, Movement politics, a
Page 157 and 158: Harmony school and bused Harmony's
Page 159 and 160: economic arena was also displayed i
Page 161 and 162: on, in Brown's words, the "organiza
Page 163 and 164: There was a fine line . There was a
Page 165 and 166: (formerly known as Stokley Carmicha
Page 167 and 168: Union Baptist Church, led by its pa
Page 169 and 170: terrorist violence was initiated by
Page 171 and 172: Reeves family had a history of bein
Page 173 and 174: and Movement activists of McComb .
Page 175 and 176: friend by pretending he was only pa
Page 177 and 178: and cohesiveness of each community.
Page 179 and 180: lenge the credentials of the segreg
Page 181 and 182: 5 . Hollis Watkins, interviewed in
Page 183 and 184: 28 . Dovie Hudson, interviewed in B
Page 185 and 186: 56 . Bob Moses, interview by the au
Page 187 and 188: turn followed a different posture t
Page 189 and 190: cials were uneasy about Charles bec
Page 191 and 192: Cooper stated " We had 30.06. We ha
Page 193 and 194: Charles Evers's stated: He encourag
Page 195 and 196: the boycott. Arange of coercive tac
Page 197 and 198: thereby silenced and neutralized by
Page 199 and 200: crushed when a police car led a Kla
Page 201: Robert Williams . Thomas had read a
Page 205 and 206: McKeithen also called for negotiati
Page 207 and 208: settlers . Natchez was the hub for
Page 209 and 210: would spark an acceleration of acti
Page 211 and 212: Even though the police officers wer
Page 213 and 214: U.S . Constitution [including the S
Page 215 and 216: e known, you better figure on dying
Page 217 and 218: situation that day: These pecker wo
Page 219 and 220: of the Deacons capabilities, provid
Page 221 and 222: unless City government acted favora
Page 223 and 224: Black community to enforce its deci
Page 225 and 226: claiming victory , announcing the m
Page 227 and 228: teams to enforce the boyott1 In Cla
Page 229 and 230: argument between Shields, and a whi
Page 231 and 232: Jackson also led to near uprising b
Page 233 and 234: implementing the Natchez model, Rud
Page 235 and 236: Okolona, Tupelo, and Byhalia. The U
Page 237 and 238: 18 . Porter, Interview with Deacon
Page 239 and 240: 44 . Ibid ; Young, interview by aut
Page 241 and 242: 73 . Ibid. 74 . James Scott, interv
Page 243 and 244: CONCLUSION ". . ..the armed liberat
Page 245 and 246: existence of armed resistance in th
Page 247 and 248: Some may argue that the evidence pr
Page 249 and 250: ofthe Movement and doesn't apprecia
Page 251 and 252: it was necessary for the Black comm
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the white power structure but also
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Significance of "Eye forAn Eye" It
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4 . Comel West, Progb= Deliverance
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Herman Leach, July 30,1994, Yazoo C
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Correspondence Letter from Sundiata
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Carson, Clayborne, et al. The Eyes
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Jordan, Winthrop, Tumult and Silenc
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Payne, Charles, 1've Got the Light
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DissertationslTheses Barksdale, Mar
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