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Santander, February 19th-22nd 2008 - Aranzadi

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250<br />

REYNA B. SOLÍS & GUADALUPE MARTÍNEZ<br />

Figure 12. Experimental hole with chert powder (a) and archaeological one (b).<br />

Figure 13. Experimental polishing (a) and archaeological one (b), both with fine lines and shiny surface.<br />

Figure 14. Experimental polishing with chert nodule (a), and archaeological one (b).<br />

The privileged sector not only controlled the consumption,<br />

but intervened in the acquisition of raw<br />

materials, tools and production. This production had<br />

to be highly concentrated or centralized, whether in<br />

one or a few workshops within the site, even possibly<br />

within the ceremonial shrine, where craftsmen guilds<br />

who elaborated these goods were under strict<br />

supervision of the power core organ, therefore casting<br />

specific dictated techs formatted by tradition or<br />

cultural preferences (Brumfiel and Earle 1987: 1-5,<br />

Clark and Parry 1990: 298, Costin 1991: 25).<br />

Given the evidence, there are diverse<br />

archaeological markers which provide data about<br />

specialization, production and producers, as well<br />

as the work prints on manufactured products, the<br />

pieces in different phases of production, and also<br />

the probable tools employed, all of them placed in<br />

certain locations. Namely, the standardisation and<br />

homogeneity within the processes and tools<br />

(abrading with andesite grindstones, cutting with<br />

obsidian flakes and blades, drilling with chert<br />

powder and polishing with chert nodules); this evi-<br />

MUNIBE Suplemento - Gehigarria 31, 2010<br />

S.C. <strong>Aranzadi</strong>. Z.E. Donostia/San Sebastián

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