Santander, February 19th-22nd 2008 - Aranzadi

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264 MIGUEL A. ZUBIMENDI ethnographic analogies (for example Deodat 1967). At the same time, the spatial distribution of the different types of malacological artefacts in the region is discussed, as well as their distance to the current coastline. Generally speaking, all evidence of coastal occupations disappears a few kilometres away from the Atlantic coast. For these reason sites situated with 5 km of from the coastline have been considered as coastal sites, while archaeological sites or findings located away from this limit have been classified as sites inland. 2. A SHORT SUMMARY OF PATAGONIAN ARCHAEOLOGY The peopling of this vast territory was gradual. The first evidence of human presence was registered in the river valleys crossing the Santa Cruz plateau, and shortly after that, on the southern extreme of the continent, in the Chilean Magallanes region. Later occupations were registered all along the area neighbouring the Andes (Borrero 2001). There is direct evidence of human presence on the coast and exploitation of its specific resources dating from around 7400 years ago (Gómez 2007: 135, Castro et al. 2007). In the late Holocene, there was a significant population growth, though densities remained low, and the use of the whole territory became evident, though there were regional differences in its intensity. This occupation process ended in the late 19 th Century with the –virtually total– extinction of the native Patagonian inhabitants (Borrero 2001). Throughout the millennia, Patagonian huntergatherers exploited for their consumption mainly the guanaco, and, to a lesser degree, other species: the choique (rhea), and the huemul (deer) in the Andes (Miotti 1998); and they supplemented their diet with the gathering of vegetables, and on certain coastal and river areas, molluscs (Caviglia and Borrero 1981, Gómez 2007, Prates Marsans 2007, Zubimendi 2007). These human groups had a varied lithic technology, making use of high-quality raw materials available on the territory, and they manufactured various bone artefacts. Ceramic technology was adopted very late, about 2000 years ago (Borrero 2001). 3. MALACOLOGICAL ARTIFACTS IN PATAGONIAN ARCHAEOLOGY Whereas the first references to malacological artefacts date from the late 19 th Century (Strobel 1867, Moreno 1874), it was not until the middle of the 20 th Century that the first systematization of this kind of artefacts appeared. It was the result of the research carried out by L. Deodat (1967) on the north coast of San Matías Gulf in the province of Río Negro. This amateur researcher makes diffusionist connections between the North Patagonian malacological industry and other regions of the world. More recently, very few malacological artefacts studies have been undertaken, but they were limited to specific Patagonian areas (Cassiodoro 2005, Damíani and Álvarez 2005). Also similar characterizations have been made recently for other regions of Argentina, specially the Pampean region (Bonomo 2007). It is important to clarify at this point that the existing bibliographic data presents many limitations, since most of the records are surface finds or present unreliable chronologies. Unclear, ambiguous or general descriptions of the species or artefacts can be added, especially in older papers. In general, it is possible to reliably propound the existence of, at least, three types of malacological artefacts: containers, shell beads and indeterminate artefacts. These artefacts, their location along Patagonia and their relative distance to the coast –primary potential source of most of the shells used as artefacts– are described below (Fig 1). 3.1. Containers Within this category, we could consider large shells of gastropods that belong to the Volutidae family. The function of these artefacts, according to their morphological interpretation and some evidence found on them, was to retain liquids or other flowing substances. Two types of containers have been defined, especially for the north coast of San Matías Gulf: spoons and recipients (Deodat 1967). The former present a greater degree of formatization due to removing the whorl or the columella. They are concave containers formed by the longitudinal half of a whorl, where sometimes the spire is eliminated (Deodat 1967, see Fig. 2.a). They might also present burin-cut edges. They are numerous and exclusive of the north coast of San Matías Gulf; since no instances have been found outside this area. Spoons manufactured with the following species have been identified: Adelomelon ancilla, A. beckii, Buccinanops sp., Pachycymbiola brasiliana, P. ferussacii, Odontocymbiola magellanica, and Zidona dufresnei (Carcelles 1944, Deodat 1967, Damíani and Álvarez 2006, Favier et al. 2007). Most of these species have valves ranging between 10 and 20 cm long, and live in the sublitoral, inaccessi- MUNIBE Suplemento - Gehigarria 31, 2010 S.C. <strong>Aranzadi</strong>. Z.E. Donostia/San Sebastián
Malacological artifacts in Argentine Patagonia 265 Figure 1. Map of Patagonia reflecting the locations where malacological artifacts have been found. ble to direct human gathering, that is why it is assumed that they have been recollected when they are deposited naturally on the shore. Recipients are shells with little or virtually no formatization, generally limited to the polishing and regularization of its siphonal aperture. They have MUNIBE Suplemento - Gehigarria 31, 2010 S.C. <strong>Aranzadi</strong>. Z.E. Donostia/San Sebastián
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SUPLEMENTO - GEHIGARRIA 31 Not only
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Not only Food. Marine, Terrestrial
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10 ESTEBAN ÁLVAREZ-FERNÁNDEZ, E.
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12 ESTEBAN ÁLVAREZ-FERNÁNDEZ, E.
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Not only Food. Marine, Terrestrial
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Radiocarbon dating of shell carbona
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20 KATERINA DOUKA, THOMAS F. G. HIG
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Marine shell beads from the Gravett
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30 CRISTINA SAN JUAN-FOUCHER & PASC
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Upper Paleolithic ornament seashell
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38 ANTONIO J. RODRÍGUEZ-HIDALGO, A
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The personal ornaments made from mo
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Magdalenian marine shells from El H
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60 MIGUEL ÁNGEL FANO & ESTEBAN ÁL
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From the Mediterranean sea to the S
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Shell beads in the Pre-Pottery Neol
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Lost in the mountains? Marine ornam
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102 JORGE MARTÍNEZ-MORENO, RAFAEL
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New data on Asturian shell midden s
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Analysis of malacofauna remains fro
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Shell as a raw material for tools a
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3100 138-145 000-000 DONOSTIA-SAN S
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The use of marine shell in Cingle V
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Technology, production and use of m
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158 ALFREDO CARANNANTE The aim of t
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160 ALFREDO CARANNANTE we exclude s
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162 ALFREDO CARANNANTE Other common
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164 ALFREDO CARANNANTE The use of t
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166 ALFREDO CARANNANTE 13. ACKNOWLE
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More than food: beads and shell too
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170 RUTH MAICAS & AIXA VIDAL ved, s
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172 RUTH MAICAS & AIXA VIDAL tary s
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174 RUTH MAICAS & AIXA VIDAL Almiza
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Oysters ancient and modern: potenti
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178 GREG CAMPBELL The author assess
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180 GREG CAMPBELL the east Solent (
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182 GREG CAMPBELL range and more ob
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184 GREG CAMPBELL Figure 9. A possi
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186 GREG CAMPBELL Using measurement
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A large-scale exploitation of oyste
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190 CATHERINE DUPONT The deposit of
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192 CATHERINE DUPONT Figure 2. Hist
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194 CATHERINE DUPONT hence these pe
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196 CATHERINE DUPONT Figure 6. Open
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198 CATHERINE DUPONT CAVOLEAU, J.A.
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Shells in the Middle Ages: archaeom
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Shells in the Middle Ages: archaeom
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Indirect detection of changes in Se
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210 ELOÍSA BERNÁLDEZ & ESTEBAN GA
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Santander, February 19th-22nd 2008 - Aranzadi

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