Hazar World - Sayı: 18 - Mayıs 2014
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Moskova’nın elinde bir siyasi-askeri kart<br />
haline dönüşmesiyle bir kez daha görüldü.<br />
Kuramsal açıklamaları bir yana bıraksak<br />
bile enerji güvenliğinin bugünkü halinin<br />
bir yandan “karşılıklı bağımlılık” meselesiyle,<br />
diğer yandan “kazanan ve kaybedenlerin<br />
olduğu stratejik oyunlarla” ilişkili hale<br />
geldiği açık. Üstelik hikâye burada bitmiyor;<br />
çünkü karşılıklı bağımlılık ekolünün<br />
en önemli kalemlerinden Nye ve Keohane 4<br />
dahi mutlak kazanç ve göreceli kazançla<br />
ilgili meselelerin birbirlerinden çok kolay<br />
ayırt edilemeyeceklerini, bu yüzden askeri<br />
güç kullanma tehdidinin enerji ekonomisi<br />
gibi bir “mutlak kazanç” alanında (yani<br />
herkesin kazanabileceği bir alanda) bile söz<br />
konusu olabileceğini yadsımıyorlar. Üstelik<br />
03<br />
02<br />
03<br />
Ukrayna’daki<br />
belirsizlik<br />
bölgedeki enerji<br />
istikrarını tehdit<br />
ediyor.<br />
03<br />
Uncertainty in<br />
Ukraine<br />
threatens the<br />
energy stability<br />
in the region.<br />
Enerji güvenliği<br />
AKTÖRLERİN<br />
GÜVENLİK<br />
GÜNDEMLERİNİN<br />
BİR PARÇASI<br />
HALİNE GELİYOR.<br />
ENERGY SECURITY IS<br />
BECOMING A PART<br />
OF THE ACTORS’<br />
SECURITY AGENDA.<br />
politics and power diplomacy.<br />
Energy security is an “umbrella concept”<br />
that is frequently used in recent years.<br />
While it means that energy should be consumed<br />
in a continuous, affordable and<br />
environment-friendly way, it also establishes<br />
a direct link between energy, associated<br />
with the traditional perspective of security<br />
as well, and the elements of national power<br />
and economic development. In this perspective,<br />
energy security does not only<br />
include the security of energy supply and<br />
demand, it is also a part of the actor’s security<br />
agenda and national strategy. So far,<br />
the story is actually simple and understandable.<br />
Living the daily routine of life,<br />
building the production-consumption<br />
chain, growing, prospering and getting<br />
stronger is not possible without energy.<br />
Therefore, the actors tried to consolidate<br />
their energy security in terms of keeping<br />
strategic reserves and determining a ‘diversification<br />
strategy’ –for both the energy<br />
itself and the source country- since the<br />
1970s. However, the concept of energy security<br />
that we use since the 1990s is a part of a<br />
slightly deeper discussion and it is meaningful<br />
in terms of analyzing the 2006-2009-<br />
2013 Ukraine crises and their impacts.<br />
Energy security is now calculated and<br />
defined through ‘how’ and ‘how much’ the<br />
actor got affected by the costs arose from<br />
possible supply and demand interruptions 3 .<br />
In short, strengthening of energy security<br />
means; the “sensibilities and vulnerabilities”<br />
experienced by an actor becomes surmountable<br />
against the other. Therefore, it<br />
has already been acknowledged – with the<br />
Ukraine crisis and the natural gas flow<br />
turning into a politico-military card in the<br />
hands of Moscow- that energy security is<br />
not only a matter of economic ‘existence’, it<br />
is also about the actor’s political survival<br />
and political stability.<br />
Even if we leave aside the theoretical<br />
descriptions, it is obvious that the current<br />
state of energy security is an “interdependence”<br />
issue, and it is also about “strategic<br />
games with winners and losers”. Moreover,<br />
the story does not end here; because even<br />
two scholars among the most important<br />
representatives of interdependence school,<br />
Nye and Keohane 4 say that issues about<br />
absolute gain and relative gain cannot be<br />
easily distinguishable. Therefore the threat<br />
of using military force is possible even in<br />
energy economics which is an “absolute<br />
gain” area (an area where everyone wins).<br />
HAZAR WORLD<br />
47