<strong>In</strong> 1998, after nine years as <strong>the</strong> chairman <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> linguistics department at <strong>the</strong> <strong>Un</strong>iversity <strong>of</strong>Pittsburgh, Everett became embroiled in a dispute with <strong>the</strong> new dean <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> arts and sciencesfaculty. Keren was completing a master's in linguistics at <strong>the</strong> university and was being paid towork as a teaching assistant in Everett's department. Everett was accused <strong>of</strong> making improperpayments to Keren totaling some two thousand dollars, and he was subjected to an audit. He wasexonerated, but <strong>the</strong> allegation <strong>of</strong> misconduct infuriated him. Keren urged him to quit his job sothat <strong>the</strong>y could return to <strong>the</strong> jungle and resume <strong>the</strong>ir work as missionaries among <strong>the</strong> Pirahã.It had been more than a decade since Everett had done any concerted missionary work – arefection <strong>of</strong> his waning religious faith. “As I read more and I got into philosophy and met a lot<strong>of</strong> friends who weren’t Christians, it became difficult for me to sustain <strong>the</strong> belief structure in <strong>the</strong>supernatural,” he said. But he was inclined to return to <strong>the</strong> Amazon, partly because he hoped torekindle his faith, and partly because he was disillusioned with <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>ory that had been <strong>the</strong>foundation <strong>of</strong> his intellectual life for two decades. “I couldn’t buy Chomsky’s world view anylonger,” Everett told me, “and I began to feel that academics were a hollow and insignificant wayto spend one’s life.”<strong>In</strong> <strong>the</strong> fall <strong>of</strong> 1999, Everett quit his job, and on <strong>the</strong> banks <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Maici River he and Keren built atwo-room, eight-by-eight-meter, bug-and snake-pro<strong>of</strong> house from fourteen tons <strong>of</strong> ironwood tha<strong>the</strong> had shipped in by boat. Everett equipped <strong>the</strong> house with a gas stove, a generator-drivenfreezer, a water-filtration system, a TV, and a DVD player. “After twenty years <strong>of</strong> living like aPirahã, I’d had it with roughing it,” he said. He threw himself into missionary work, translating<strong>the</strong> Book <strong>of</strong> Luke into Pirahã and reading it to tribe members. His zeal soon dissipated, however.Convinced that <strong>the</strong> Pirahã assigned no spiritual meaning to <strong>the</strong> Bible, Everett finally admittedthat he did not, ei<strong>the</strong>r. He declared himself an a<strong>the</strong>ist, and spent his time tending house andstudying linguistics. <strong>In</strong> 2000, on a trip to Porto Velho, a town about two hundred miles from <strong>the</strong>village, he found a month-old e-mail from a colleague at <strong>the</strong> <strong>Un</strong>iversity <strong>of</strong> Manchester, invitinghim to spend a year as a research pr<strong>of</strong>essor at <strong>the</strong> school. <strong>In</strong> 2002, Everett was hired to a fulltimeposition, and he and Keren moved to England. Three years later, he and Keren separated;she returned to Brazil, where she divides her time between <strong>the</strong> Pirahã village and an apartment inPorto Velho. He moved back to <strong>the</strong> <strong>Un</strong><strong>ited</strong> <strong>Sta</strong>tes last fall to begin <strong>the</strong> new job at Illinois <strong>Sta</strong>te.Today, Everett says that his three years in <strong>the</strong> jungle were hardly time wasted.“This new beginning with <strong>the</strong> Pirahã really was quiet liberating," he told me. "Free fromChomskyan constraints, I was able to imagine new relationships between grammar and culture."It is a matter <strong>of</strong> some vexation to Everett that <strong>the</strong> first ar<strong>ticle</strong> on <strong>the</strong> Pirahã to attract significantattention was written not by him but by his friend (and former colleague at <strong>the</strong> <strong>Un</strong>iversity <strong>of</strong>Pittsburgh) Peter Gordon, now at Columbia, who in 2004 published a paper in Science on <strong>the</strong>Pirahã's understanding <strong>of</strong> numbers Gordon had vis<strong>ited</strong> <strong>the</strong> tribe with Everett in <strong>the</strong> early nineties,after Everett told him about <strong>the</strong> Pirahã’s lim<strong>ited</strong> "one' "two," and "many" counting system. O<strong>the</strong>rtribes, in Australia, <strong>the</strong> South Sea Islands, Africa, and <strong>the</strong> Amazon, have a one-two-manynumerical system, but with an important difference: <strong>the</strong>y are able to learn to count in ano<strong>the</strong>rlanguage. The Pirahã have never been able to do this, despite concerted efforts by <strong>the</strong> Everetts toteach <strong>the</strong>m to count to ten in Portuguese.During two-month stay with <strong>the</strong> Pirahã in 1992, Gordon ran several experiments with tribemembers. <strong>In</strong> one, he sat across from a Pirahã subject and placed in front <strong>of</strong> himself an array <strong>of</strong>objects-nuts, AA batteries-and had <strong>the</strong> Pirahã match <strong>the</strong> array. The Pirahã could perform <strong>the</strong> taskaccurately when <strong>the</strong> array consisted <strong>of</strong> two or three items, but <strong>the</strong>ir performance with largergroupings was, Gordon later wrote, "remarkably poor." Gordon also showed subjects nuts,© 2008 Dr. Ca<strong>the</strong>rine CollierAll Rights Reserved22
placed <strong>the</strong>m in a can, and withdrew <strong>the</strong>m one at a time. Each time he removed a nut, he asked <strong>the</strong>subject whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong>re were any left in <strong>the</strong> can. The Pirahã answered correctly only withquantities <strong>of</strong> three or fewer. Through <strong>the</strong>se and o<strong>the</strong>r tests, Gordon concluded that Everett wasright: <strong>the</strong> people could not perform tasks involving quantities greater than three. Gordon ruledout mass retardation. Though <strong>the</strong> Pirahã do not allow marriage outside <strong>the</strong>ir tribe, <strong>the</strong>y have longkept <strong>the</strong>ir gene pool refreshed by permitting women to sleep with outsiders. "Besides," Gordonsaid, “if <strong>the</strong>re was some kind <strong>of</strong> Appalachian inbreeding or retardation going on, you'd see it inhairlines, facial features, and motor ability. It bleeds over. They don't show any <strong>of</strong> that.”Gordon surmised that <strong>the</strong> Pirahã provided support for a controversial hypo<strong>the</strong>sis advanced earlyin <strong>the</strong> last century by Benjamin Lee Whorf, a student <strong>of</strong> Sapir's. Whorf argued that <strong>the</strong> words inour vocabulary determine how we think. Since <strong>the</strong> Pirahã do not have words for numbers abovetwo, Gordon wrote, <strong>the</strong>y have a lim<strong>ited</strong> ability to work with quantities greater than that. "It'slanguage affecting thought," Gordon told me. His paper, "Numerical Cognition without Words:Evidence from Amazonia," was enthusiastically taken up by a coterie <strong>of</strong> "neo-Whorfian"linguists around <strong>the</strong> world.Everett did not share this enthusiasm; in <strong>the</strong> ten years since he had introduced Gordon to <strong>the</strong>tribe, he had determined that <strong>the</strong> Pirahã have no fixed numbers. The word that he had long takento mean "one" (hoi, on a falling tone) is used by <strong>the</strong> Pirahã to refer, more generally, to "a smallsize or amount," and <strong>the</strong> word for "two" (hoi, on a rising tone) is <strong>of</strong>ten used to mean "asomewhat larger size or amount." Everett says that his earlier confusion arose over what's knownas <strong>the</strong> translation fallacy: <strong>the</strong> conviction that a word in one language is identical to a word inano<strong>the</strong>r, simply because, in some instances, <strong>the</strong>y overlap in meaning. Gordon had mentioned <strong>the</strong>elastic boundaries <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> words for "one" and "two" in his paper, but in Everett's opinion he hadfailed to explore <strong>the</strong> significance <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> phenomenon. (Gordon disagrees, and for a brief period<strong>the</strong> two did not speak.)Shortly after Gordon's ar<strong>ticle</strong> appeared, Everett began outlining a paper correcting what hebelieved were Gordon's errors. Its scope grew as Everett concluded that <strong>the</strong> Pirahã’s lack <strong>of</strong>numerals was part <strong>of</strong> a larger constellation <strong>of</strong> "gaps." Over <strong>the</strong> course <strong>of</strong> three weeks, Everettwrote what would become his Cultural Anthropology ar<strong>ticle</strong>, twenty-five thousand words inwhich he advanced a novel explanation for <strong>the</strong> many mysteries that had bedeviled him. <strong>In</strong>spiredby Sapir's cultural approach to language, he hypo<strong>the</strong>sized that <strong>the</strong> tribe embodies a living-in-<strong>the</strong>presentethos so powerful that it has affected every aspect <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> people's lives committed to anexistence in which only observable experience is real, <strong>the</strong> Pirahã do not think, or speak, inabstractions-- thus do not use color terms, quantifiers, numbers, or myths. Everett point to <strong>the</strong>word xibipio as a clue to how <strong>the</strong> Pirahã perceive reality solely according to what exists within<strong>the</strong> boundaries <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir direct experience-- which Everett defined as anything that <strong>the</strong>y can seeand hear, or that someone living has seen and heard. "When someone walks around a bend in <strong>the</strong>river, <strong>the</strong> Pirahã say that <strong>the</strong> person has not simply gone away but xibipio-'gone out <strong>of</strong>experience,' Everett said. "They use <strong>the</strong> same phrase when a candle flame flickers. The light'goes in and out <strong>of</strong> experience. To Everett <strong>the</strong> Pirahã’s unswerving dedication to empiricalreality--he called it <strong>the</strong> "immediacy-<strong>of</strong>-experience principle"- explained <strong>the</strong>ir resistance toChristianity, since <strong>the</strong> Pirahã had always reacted to stories about Christ by asking, "Have youmet this man?" Told that Christ died two thousand years ago, <strong>the</strong> Pirahã would act much as <strong>the</strong>ydid to my using bug repellent. It explained <strong>the</strong>ir failure to build up food stocks, since thisrequired planning for a future that did not yet exist; it explained <strong>the</strong> failure <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> boys' modelairplanes to foster a tradition <strong>of</strong> sculpture-making, since <strong>the</strong> models expressed only <strong>the</strong>© 2008 Dr. Ca<strong>the</strong>rine CollierAll Rights Reserved23
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New standardized tests and assessme
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Each of the behaviors listed above
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Article II.3 Hard Work Hypothesis:
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each point higher in SES, students
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This case does not provide strong s
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Article II.4 Language Acquisition a
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1992, p. XI). These researchers, wh
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comprehend a word within a specific
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more to the truthfulness of the chi
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This idea of “semilingualism” c
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Article III.1 A Brief Description o
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take different lengths of time to c
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example, should involve the same co
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As with all stages of BICS acquisit
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Assessment techniques at stage 3 ca
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different. Therefore, the social di
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integrative motivation. Basically,
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(Ellis, 1985; Hakuta, 1986). Howeve
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that sociocultural processes have o
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Article III.3 How Children Acquire
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phonetic units (unique to signed la
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Article III.4 Toward a Sociocultura
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emember is that the fundamental goa
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The best practices models can be th
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By focusing on the dialectic betwee
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intergenerational wisdom shared by
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Daily Realities RecappedThe above v
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traditions. At a time in our histor
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We will now look at two examples of
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Speakers communicate fluently, main
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question the effects of such attitu
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Article IV.3 Culture Change: Effect
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and psychological characteristics o
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Contraryto what wewere expecting, t
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Article V.1 Assessment in ESL & Bil
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vocabulary does the student lack?Is
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whether they are LEP and to provide
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Fourth, ESL and bilingual program s
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competent reader/writer. All versio
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Table 1Comparison of Recent Accultu
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unilinear model, which measures the
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an English-only instructional progr
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Article V.3 Assessment of English L
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8. Change answers only for a very g
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Riles, 1979; Jose P. v Ambac, 1983)
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proficiency is often underestimated
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Finally, when second language reade
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for their decisions, noting issues
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As mentioned above, when the transi
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ather than generic adjectives and t
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their imagined points of view. Ther
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English texts and demonstrate progr
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using inter-district teams). In the