Managing Politics and Islam in Indonesia

MANAGING POLITICS AND ISLAM IN INDONESIA 9935. Aqsha et al., Islam in Indonesia: A Survey of Events, p.283; ‘Teaching Children toRead the Qur’an’, Studia Islamika, pp.1–5.36. Aqsha et al., Islam in Indonesia: A Survey of Events, pp.135, 401; ‘Hasil KeputusanMuktamar III Dewan Masjid Indonesia’, pp.56–7.37. Tasmara, Etos Kerja Pribadi and Menjawab Tantangan Zaman.38. Disaffected ex-Masyumi party leaders establised the Dewan Dakwah IslamiyahIndonesia (Indonesian Islamic Dakwah Council) in 1967, under the chairmanshipof Muhammad Natsir (former Prime Minister and Masyumi leader). Through theDewan, they sought to advance their political-religious agendas. Dewan leadersremained highly critical of Suharto and the military until the advent of the state-Islamic accommodation in the late-1980s.39. At the conference, attendees set up three makeshift commissions. One commissionhad the task of drawing up the BAKOMUBIN’s new program. The main reasonexpressed at the commission for establishing the nationally co-ordinated body wasto improve the welfare and income of its preachers. Members discussed the need forlife insurance, proper medical care, and good and regular sources of funding, whichdepended on gaining access to influential government personnel. The SilaturahmiMubaligh SeIndonesia’ was held at Asrama Haji Jakarta (Pondok Gede) on 6 June1996.40. Herbert Feith applied the term ‘problem solvers’ in the 1950s for technocraticmindedadministrators.41. A speech by an official from the Department of Religion at the SilaturahmiMubaligh SeIndonesia, 6 June 1996.42. A speech by Toto Tasmara at the Silaturahmi Mubaligh SeIndonesia, 6 June 1996.43. FKLD was established in February 1993 as a national co-ordinating institute for allIslamic missionary organisations. It was placed under supervision of the Directorof Information at the Department of Religion. Several corporatist organisationsparticipated in its founding including MDI, DMI, and ICMI. FKLD was to fulfil apurpose similar to the corporatist institutions (discussed above) of regulatingrelations between the different Islamic propagation institutes and between thoseinstitutes and the regime. Interview with Subagio, 13 November 1997; Islam inIndonesia: A Survey of Events, p.302.44. Suryadinata, Military Ascendancy, p.79; Reeve, ‘The Corporatist State’, p.155.45. Interview with Hidayat, 12 November 1997. The co-option by Golkar of ‘extreme’Muslim groups is not a development resulting from Suharto’s recent post-1988courtship of Islam. Such efforts date back to the pre-1971 election campaign period(e.g., the amalgamation of the Muslim sect Darul Hadiths into Golkar just prior tothe general election).46. Interview with Hidayat, 12 November 1997; the former Minister of Religion, Gen.(ret.) Alamsjah Ratu Prawiranegara admitted that, during the early New Orderperiod, state intelligence services did not wholly trust the Department of Religion.Continued monitoring of the Department appears to have remained a task ofintelligence services through to the late-1990s.47. Women’s role as housewife in the family, as depicted in government publications,is exemplary of the New Order state’s official ideology, which designates thefamily as the smallest unit in ever widening concentric circles to the nation-state.The family is seen as the pillar of society and of the nation. Women are seen as the