the black death in early ottoman territories - Bilkent University

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İnalcık 357 . Quite possibly, this might explain some of the Ottomans' successes in the year 1352, when Süleyman Pasha conquered a number of fortresses on the European side of the Dardanelles. Aşıkpaşazade's narrative asserts that: Süleyman Pasha sent word to his father saying 'o fortunate one, with your miraculous care now Rumeli has been conquered by us. The infidels here became extremely weak. So, let it be known that we need here many men of Muslim faith to make secure and prosperous the lands and fortresses which have been conquered ... Orkhan Ghâzi agreed and sent those dark skinned Arab nomad families (Kara göçer Arab-evleri), which had previously migrated over to Karesi-ili. These Arabs stayed for some time in the environs of Gelibolu. Süleyman Pasha then continued his onslaught and reached the coasts of Tekvur-Daghı, on the way he took the abovementioned fortresses... In the mean time, new settlers arrived day after day from Karesi-ili" 358 By locating "Arab" settlements on the Asiatic side of the Dardanels in early Ottoman history, İnalcık 359 argues convincingly that this statement was not a flight of fancy from Aşıkpaşazade, but that it reflected a historical reality. Süleyman Pasha's claim that "the infidels became extremely weak" seems justified, not only in the light of his military achievements, but also of the loss in population that the region had suffered in 1347-1348. Aşıkpaşazade emphasises that the Arab nomads were summoned from Karesi-ili, where they had previously migrated, thus indicating that they had moved into its fertile rural areas quite recently and most likely after the region had been depopulated by the Black Death. Moreover, the plague outbreak was used by the Byzantines to condemn their emperor's foreign policy with regard to the Ottomans, which was a bone of contention that deeply divided the population. An unidentified source seemingly referred to the participation of Cantacuzenos in battle as a support to the Ottomans, when it believed the plague to be "a special punishment from God on 357 İnalcık, The Question of the Emergence of the Ottoman State`, 74. 358 İnalcık, Essays in Ottoman History, 393 359 İnalcık, Essays in Ottoman History, 393-394 95
his people and the Genoese for their previously helping the Muslims capture the city of Romanais from fellow Christians." 360 Although historians usually focus on the first outbreak of the Black Death pandemic, which took place in 1347/48, the next major plague outbreak in 1361 again spread over most of Europe and Anatolia. The Brachea Chronika mentions that plague was rampant in the whole of the Byzantine empire in the years 1361/1362. 361 According to Charanis 362 this outbreak was also confirmed by the Chronicle of Panaretus. Babinger 363 also quotes Panaretos as stating that Edirne still was a Byzantine possession at the time of the second bubonic plague (thanatos tou boubounos). This leads Babinger to suggest that the widespread epidemic made it easier for the Ottomans to conquer several Thracian cities. In fact, it would not have been the first time in Byzantine history that Turkish conquest might have been facilitated by the outbreak of a serious epidemic. Likewise, a great plague epidemic took place in 1077-78 364 and simultaneously, attacks by barbarians destabilized the empire. An anonymous Byzantine chronicle describes the rule of the emperor Michael Parapinakes (1071- 78) as follows: the Under this emperor almost the whole world, on land and sea, occupied by 360 Dols (1977: 53) unfortunately misquotes Ziegler (1982: 16) when asserting that Cantacuzenos believed the plague to be "a special punishment from God on his people and the Genoese for their previously helping the Muslims capture the city of Romanais from fellow Christians." This quote was specified by Ziegler as being from an unspecified chronicler. Maybe the text upon which these assertions are based is the letter from Nicephoras Gregoras to the emperor Cantacuzenos, which also criticizes the emperor's help to the Turks in the capture of Romanais. 361 Schreiner, Die Byzantinischen Kleinchroniken, 290. 362 Charanis, Peter. "Les BPAXEA XRONIKA comme source historique, an Important Short Chronicle of the Fourteenth Century," Byzantion (13) 335-362. 1938, 318. 363 Babinger, Beiträge zur Frühgeschichte der Türkenherrschaft in Rumelien (14.15. Jahrhundert), 47. 364 described in the Syrianic source of Bar Hebraeus or Gregory Abû'l-Farac. Bar Hebraeus. The Chronography of Gregory Abû’l-Faraj, 1225-1286. ed. by Ernest A. Wallis Budge. Amsterdam: Apa-Philo Press. 1976, 328. 96
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THE BLACK DEATH IN EARLY OTTOMAN TE
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ÖZET KARA ÖLÜM VE ERKEN OSMANLIL
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TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT ........
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subject is evident, plague has been
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also consulted. In view of this cla
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CHAPTER II A BIOLOGICAL AND HISTORI
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continents. 15 However, because of
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not. 22 Wendy Orent postulates that
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the disease. 31 During this outbrea
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common during winter, whereas the b
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CHAPTER III HISTORICAL SOURCES AND
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which will be critically examined i
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contested by Zeynep Korkmaz on the
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Ahmedi's Gazavâtname. 64 He lived
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The tarih was written as a way to p
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'Hakk-teâlâ gayûr bir pâdişâh
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Ottoman ruler and his conquests, bu
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and 1460. 106 However, of these, al
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He was captured after Constantinopl
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Latin sources The first category of
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elatives and friends ensured him of
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period of one or more seasons, name
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Bir hastalık ki halk arasında sar
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CHAPTER IV THE OUTBREAK AND THE DIF
Page 49 and 50: that had happened in these lands, s
Page 51 and 52: "What can we not all say about flie
Page 53 and 54: of Pera in 1453, was to become of g
Page 55 and 56: as Karesi, Saruhan, Aydın, Menteş
Page 57 and 58: A possible explanation is that no w
Page 59 and 60: Crete. 209 That the Brachea Chronik
Page 61 and 62: Yusuf's insistence to become a Chri
Page 63 and 64: earthquake that destroyed much of I
Page 65 and 66: of two carboni and a jandusa al sca
Page 67 and 68: CHAPTER V THE RESPONSE TO PLAGUE 5.
Page 69 and 70: Cydones obviously did not appreciat
Page 71 and 72: mention that "... Bursa şehrinde b
Page 73 and 74: Ve dahi ol yılda Bursa'da tâ'un-
Page 75 and 76: travels also allowed him to become
Page 77 and 78: plague on several other occasions,
Page 79 and 80: epidemics, or was at the very least
Page 81 and 82: 5.2. Religious response In times of
Page 83 and 84: in Europe as a response to the epid
Page 85 and 86: the Orthodox believers and many of
Page 87 and 88: Hak te'âlâ'nun fazlı yitişüp k
Page 89 and 90: were implemented at one time or ano
Page 91 and 92: Islamic religious terms, a more pro
Page 93 and 94: in heaven's name not to touch the c
Page 95 and 96: "Ve dahi ol yılda Bursa'da tâ'un-
Page 97 and 98: quite a few of its regular visitors
Page 99: notables of Cairo transferred. Whil
Page 103 and 104: death toll to 160 000 or about 1300
Page 105 and 106: suffered great losses through famin
Page 107 and 108: In the above example, the Venetians
Page 109 and 110: while later his brother. They were
Page 111 and 112: prices did occur four years before
Page 113 and 114: asis or had indeed any policy at al
Page 115 and 116: Bertrandon de la Brocquière fulfil
Page 117 and 118: as to whether the Ottomans systemat
Page 119 and 120: present as well in the period under
Page 121 and 122: surprising as both European and Ott
Page 123 and 124: Primary Sources unpublished Ottoman
Page 125 and 126: -----.Les Regestes des Actes du Pat
Page 127 and 128: Tafur, Pero. 1926. Pero Tafur: Trav
Page 129 and 130: Research Centre for Islamic History
Page 131 and 132: Columbia University Press, 2004. Sc
Page 133 and 134: APPENDIX I ENTRIES FROM THE DIARY O
Page 135 and 136: Da Sybinicho, fo leto una lettera,
Page 137 and 138: morto do fioli da peste, pur Idio l
Page 139 and 140: 61. vol. 28, col. 232 Da Constantin
Page 141 and 142: incolorò, dove la saltò la peste,
Page 143 and 144: E venuto nova il magnifico Perì Ba
Page 145 and 146: Idem, by two slaves who escaped fro
Page 147 and 148: MDX, APRILE (April 1510) 27. vol. 1
Page 149 and 150: There is an enormous plague outbrea
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... that there, in Constantinople,
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Paragraph over the statement (made)
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a carbuncle, which is a sort of gia
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From Constantinople, from sir Piero
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