the black death in early ottoman territories - Bilkent University

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Giovanni Villani, who himself was to become a victim of the Black Death, also mentions Turkey as one of the areas afflicted by the first outbreak: Having grown in vigour in Turkey and Greece and having spread thence over the whole Levant and Mesopotamia and Syria and Chaldea and Cyprus and Rhodes and all the islands of the Greek archipelago... 180 Thus, the geographical area that included Ottoman territories was not free from plague, but were the Ottomans themselves struck with the disease ? As for most questions pertaining to the earliest period of their rule, evidence is scarce. However, in view of the intensive contacts between the Ottomans and those who suffered greatly from the plague, such as the Genoese and the Byzantines, it is obvious to which extent the Ottomans must have been exposed to the outbreak. As Balard 181 demonstrates, the Black Sea region and its trade were of the highest importance to the Genoese during the 13th throughout the 15th century. A network formed by their colonies and trade posts ensured the transit of luxury goods such as Chinese silk and Russian furs towards European markets. Furthermore, centres as Caffa, Tana and Kilia traded in locally produced "commodities", such as grain, fish, wax, honey, slaves 182 and alum 183 for which there was always a high demand in the Mediterranean basin and Constantinople. In order to protect their vested interests in the region, the Genoese carefully entertained good relations with the Ottomans. İnalcık (1998: 418-420) argues that "the Genoese-Ottoman alliance, which was to last up until the Ottoman occupation 180 Schevill, F. 1961. History of Florence. New York:Ungar, pp. 239-40 as cited by Benedictow, The Black Death: 1346-1353 - The Complete History (2004), 69. 181 Michel Balard. La mer Noire et la Romanie génoise (XIII - XV siècles). London: Variorum Reprints, 1989, 31-54. 182 In fact, grain, furs and humans are thought to have facilitated the transport of contaminated rats and fleas, thus contributing to the propagation of the disease. 183 According to Kate Fleet, the alum mined in Şebin-Karahisar in the Black Sea region was of the best quality and was in demand for the thriving textile industry of Western Europe. Kate Fleet. European and Islamic Trade in the early Ottoman State: the Merchants of Genoa and Turkey. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1999), 85. 47
of Pera in 1453, was to become of great importance for both sides". The Genoese provided their allies with reliable shipping facilities to cross the Straits, which enabled the Ottomans to establish their rule on the two continents. In return, the Ottomans protected Pera 184 against the Byzantines and the Venetians and they also granted the Genoese commercial privileges in their territories. Barely four years after the plague epidemic had made its entry, Pera was besieged by the Byzantine- Venetian coalition and the Ottoman ruler Orhan provided aid as a result of negociations held by Genoese envoys sent from Pera. 185 These diplomatic contacts were intensified during the battle of the Bosphorus in 1352, when the Genoese sent a constant stream of envoys and presents to their allies and in return were brought news about the positions of their enemies. 186 It can be assumed that regular contacts were entertained between Pera and Bursa from at least 1348 onwards, when tensions rose between Genoa and its competitors. In view of the rapid spread of the disease elsewhere, a transmission of the disease through this channel is highly probable. Moreover, the Ottomans were not only political allies, they were also trade partners. During the abovementioned battle, Orhan allowed the Genoese commander Paganino Doria to cross to Turkey with 30 galleys in order to load grain. Apart from trading in cereals, the Ottomans sold slaves that the Genoese sent to Alexandria and the West. The Ottoman slave trade was the result of the increasingly lucrative activity of booty raids. 187 Here, the plague epidemic exerted an indirect influence: the Black Death had caused a scarcity in labour that was 184 The harbour on the Bosphorus was indispensable for the trade with the Black Sea. Ships wanting to sail into the Black Sea often had to wait for the southern winds that would carry them through the Bosphorus against the heavy current flowing southwards . 185 Halil İnalcık. `The Question of the Closing of the Black Sea.` Essays in Ottoman History. Istanbul: Eren. 1998, 419-420. 186 Balard, La mer Noire et la Romanie génoise (XIII - XV siècles), 444. 187 Halil İnalcık. `The Question of the Emergence of the Ottoman State.` International Journal of Turkish Studies, 2 (1980) 75. 48
Page 1 and 2: THE BLACK DEATH IN EARLY OTTOMAN TE
Page 3 and 4: ÖZET KARA ÖLÜM VE ERKEN OSMANLIL
Page 5 and 6: TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT ........
Page 7 and 8: subject is evident, plague has been
Page 9 and 10: also consulted. In view of this cla
Page 11 and 12: CHAPTER II A BIOLOGICAL AND HISTORI
Page 13 and 14: continents. 15 However, because of
Page 15 and 16: not. 22 Wendy Orent postulates that
Page 17 and 18: the disease. 31 During this outbrea
Page 19 and 20: common during winter, whereas the b
Page 21 and 22: CHAPTER III HISTORICAL SOURCES AND
Page 23 and 24: which will be critically examined i
Page 25 and 26: contested by Zeynep Korkmaz on the
Page 27 and 28: Ahmedi's Gazavâtname. 64 He lived
Page 29 and 30: The tarih was written as a way to p
Page 31 and 32: 'Hakk-teâlâ gayûr bir pâdişâh
Page 33 and 34: Ottoman ruler and his conquests, bu
Page 35 and 36: and 1460. 106 However, of these, al
Page 37 and 38: He was captured after Constantinopl
Page 39 and 40: Latin sources The first category of
Page 41 and 42: elatives and friends ensured him of
Page 43 and 44: period of one or more seasons, name
Page 45 and 46: Bir hastalık ki halk arasında sar
Page 47 and 48: CHAPTER IV THE OUTBREAK AND THE DIF
Page 49 and 50: that had happened in these lands, s
Page 51: "What can we not all say about flie
Page 55 and 56: as Karesi, Saruhan, Aydın, Menteş
Page 57 and 58: A possible explanation is that no w
Page 59 and 60: Crete. 209 That the Brachea Chronik
Page 61 and 62: Yusuf's insistence to become a Chri
Page 63 and 64: earthquake that destroyed much of I
Page 65 and 66: of two carboni and a jandusa al sca
Page 67 and 68: CHAPTER V THE RESPONSE TO PLAGUE 5.
Page 69 and 70: Cydones obviously did not appreciat
Page 71 and 72: mention that "... Bursa şehrinde b
Page 73 and 74: Ve dahi ol yılda Bursa'da tâ'un-
Page 75 and 76: travels also allowed him to become
Page 77 and 78: plague on several other occasions,
Page 79 and 80: epidemics, or was at the very least
Page 81 and 82: 5.2. Religious response In times of
Page 83 and 84: in Europe as a response to the epid
Page 85 and 86: the Orthodox believers and many of
Page 87 and 88: Hak te'âlâ'nun fazlı yitişüp k
Page 89 and 90: were implemented at one time or ano
Page 91 and 92: Islamic religious terms, a more pro
Page 93 and 94: in heaven's name not to touch the c
Page 95 and 96: "Ve dahi ol yılda Bursa'da tâ'un-
Page 97 and 98: quite a few of its regular visitors
Page 99 and 100: notables of Cairo transferred. Whil
Page 101 and 102: his people and the Genoese for thei
Page 103 and 104:
death toll to 160 000 or about 1300
Page 105 and 106:
suffered great losses through famin
Page 107 and 108:
In the above example, the Venetians
Page 109 and 110:
while later his brother. They were
Page 111 and 112:
prices did occur four years before
Page 113 and 114:
asis or had indeed any policy at al
Page 115 and 116:
Bertrandon de la Brocquière fulfil
Page 117 and 118:
as to whether the Ottomans systemat
Page 119 and 120:
present as well in the period under
Page 121 and 122:
surprising as both European and Ott
Page 123 and 124:
Primary Sources unpublished Ottoman
Page 125 and 126:
-----.Les Regestes des Actes du Pat
Page 127 and 128:
Tafur, Pero. 1926. Pero Tafur: Trav
Page 129 and 130:
Research Centre for Islamic History
Page 131 and 132:
Columbia University Press, 2004. Sc
Page 133 and 134:
APPENDIX I ENTRIES FROM THE DIARY O
Page 135 and 136:
Da Sybinicho, fo leto una lettera,
Page 137 and 138:
morto do fioli da peste, pur Idio l
Page 139 and 140:
61. vol. 28, col. 232 Da Constantin
Page 141 and 142:
incolorò, dove la saltò la peste,
Page 143 and 144:
E venuto nova il magnifico Perì Ba
Page 145 and 146:
Idem, by two slaves who escaped fro
Page 147 and 148:
MDX, APRILE (April 1510) 27. vol. 1
Page 149 and 150:
There is an enormous plague outbrea
Page 151 and 152:
... that there, in Constantinople,
Page 153 and 154:
Paragraph over the statement (made)
Page 155 and 156:
a carbuncle, which is a sort of gia
Page 157:
From Constantinople, from sir Piero
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