the black death in early ottoman territories - Bilkent University

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effectively be considered to be a kind of quarantine. As it was a centrally ordered measure, it can be understood that Ottoman authorities reacted in response to the fact that plague was raging in other parts of the Ottoman empire, such as Trabzon. 321 Moreover, the seventeenth-century traveller Evliya Celebi describes how the castle of Yedi Kule was used in Byzantine times to keep individuals coming from plague-stricken places for seven days under quarantine. They were not allowed entry into the city otherwise. 322 However, none of the travellers' accounts consulted mention such a procedure for the period under investigation. The diary of Marino Sanudo, which spans the period of 1497 to 1533 and deals extensively with the maritime contacts between Venice and Istanbul does not reveal its existence, either. It does, however, records an event that probably was the result of an administrative decision, namely the closing of all inns (hans) in the Istanbul. A letter from the Venetian baylo from Constantinople, dated 25 July and 6 August 1513 reports that : The ruler is in the countryside, but here there such an outbreak of plague that the inns (presumably hans) are closed and it is incredible how many die. 323 It is understandable that the plague epidemics would cause considerable loss for the hans, bozahaneler, hammans and other establishments open to the public, either because they were obliged to close for religious or preventive reasons or because their customers simply would stay away. In that case, an official request was made for a reduction of the taxes due. The measure of closing inns might have been due to a prohibition of wine-drinking. Although this can be interpreted in 321 Plague was present in Trabzon in 1565-1566, as documented by Ronald C. Jennings. Studies on Ottoman Social History in the 16th and 17th Century. Istanbul: The Isis Press. 1999, 669 et passim. 322 Evliya Çelebi, Seyahatnamesi, Vol. 2, 92. Interestingly, Evliya Çelebi reports that after the conquest, Mehmed the Conqueror moved the slaughterhouses and tanneries to this area. The stench and pollution produced by these activities was traditionally considered to be a hazard for plague according to the miasma theory. 323 Sanudo, I diarii di Marino Sanuto, Vol. 17, Col. 37 and 38 85
Islamic religious terms, a more prozaic motive might be underlying. For during the first outbreak in Venice in 1348, the quarrels and homicides increased so much that the authorities likewise forbade the public sales of wine. 324 Funeral arrangements From the first pandemic onwards, the huge number of casualties would put a huge burden on the authorities, who were ill-prepared to cope with the situation. As Procopius attested 325 it was Justinian himself who coordinated the relief operations for the disaster. He sent soldiers from the palace to provide assistance, paid money so that the dead would be buried and appointed one of his courtiers, Theodorus as a coordinator of these funeral services. Formal rituals often had to be abandoned and at the start of the second pandemic in Constantinople bodies were disposed of by throwing them into the sea. Muslim believers confronted with the Black Death, had to address the same kind of problems. In normal times, a muslim who died was supposed to be prepared for burial according to the Islamic ritual, which required washing, swathing, whereafter the body was put on a bier and covered with shrouds. The expenses of such preparations were usually met for by the family. However, a very severe outbreak could kill several persons of a family at one time, straining the financial resources of those who survived. For those that had arrived as travellers, or that died leaving no heirs, the public treasury was in principle responsible for the funeral. In times of a serious outbreak, the accumulated cost must have been considerable. Shrouds for the death were in great demand and thus commanding high prices. This in turn incited less scrupulous individuals to steal them out of the graveyards, as is illustrated by İbn İyas, who 324 Biraben, Jean-Noel. Les hommes et la peste en France et dans les pays européens et méditerranéens. Vol. II, Les hommes face à la peste, 117. 325 Prokopius. İstanbul'da İsyan ve Veba. Adil Calap, trans. Istanbul: Lir Yayınevi, 2002, 467. 86
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THE BLACK DEATH IN EARLY OTTOMAN TE
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ÖZET KARA ÖLÜM VE ERKEN OSMANLIL
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TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT ........
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subject is evident, plague has been
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also consulted. In view of this cla
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CHAPTER II A BIOLOGICAL AND HISTORI
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continents. 15 However, because of
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not. 22 Wendy Orent postulates that
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the disease. 31 During this outbrea
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common during winter, whereas the b
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CHAPTER III HISTORICAL SOURCES AND
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which will be critically examined i
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contested by Zeynep Korkmaz on the
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Ahmedi's Gazavâtname. 64 He lived
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The tarih was written as a way to p
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'Hakk-teâlâ gayûr bir pâdişâh
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Ottoman ruler and his conquests, bu
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and 1460. 106 However, of these, al
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He was captured after Constantinopl
Page 39 and 40: Latin sources The first category of
Page 41 and 42: elatives and friends ensured him of
Page 43 and 44: period of one or more seasons, name
Page 45 and 46: Bir hastalık ki halk arasında sar
Page 47 and 48: CHAPTER IV THE OUTBREAK AND THE DIF
Page 49 and 50: that had happened in these lands, s
Page 51 and 52: "What can we not all say about flie
Page 53 and 54: of Pera in 1453, was to become of g
Page 55 and 56: as Karesi, Saruhan, Aydın, Menteş
Page 57 and 58: A possible explanation is that no w
Page 59 and 60: Crete. 209 That the Brachea Chronik
Page 61 and 62: Yusuf's insistence to become a Chri
Page 63 and 64: earthquake that destroyed much of I
Page 65 and 66: of two carboni and a jandusa al sca
Page 67 and 68: CHAPTER V THE RESPONSE TO PLAGUE 5.
Page 69 and 70: Cydones obviously did not appreciat
Page 71 and 72: mention that "... Bursa şehrinde b
Page 73 and 74: Ve dahi ol yılda Bursa'da tâ'un-
Page 75 and 76: travels also allowed him to become
Page 77 and 78: plague on several other occasions,
Page 79 and 80: epidemics, or was at the very least
Page 81 and 82: 5.2. Religious response In times of
Page 83 and 84: in Europe as a response to the epid
Page 85 and 86: the Orthodox believers and many of
Page 87 and 88: Hak te'âlâ'nun fazlı yitişüp k
Page 89: were implemented at one time or ano
Page 93 and 94: in heaven's name not to touch the c
Page 95 and 96: "Ve dahi ol yılda Bursa'da tâ'un-
Page 97 and 98: quite a few of its regular visitors
Page 99 and 100: notables of Cairo transferred. Whil
Page 101 and 102: his people and the Genoese for thei
Page 103 and 104: death toll to 160 000 or about 1300
Page 105 and 106: suffered great losses through famin
Page 107 and 108: In the above example, the Venetians
Page 109 and 110: while later his brother. They were
Page 111 and 112: prices did occur four years before
Page 113 and 114: asis or had indeed any policy at al
Page 115 and 116: Bertrandon de la Brocquière fulfil
Page 117 and 118: as to whether the Ottomans systemat
Page 119 and 120: present as well in the period under
Page 121 and 122: surprising as both European and Ott
Page 123 and 124: Primary Sources unpublished Ottoman
Page 125 and 126: -----.Les Regestes des Actes du Pat
Page 127 and 128: Tafur, Pero. 1926. Pero Tafur: Trav
Page 129 and 130: Research Centre for Islamic History
Page 131 and 132: Columbia University Press, 2004. Sc
Page 133 and 134: APPENDIX I ENTRIES FROM THE DIARY O
Page 135 and 136: Da Sybinicho, fo leto una lettera,
Page 137 and 138: morto do fioli da peste, pur Idio l
Page 139 and 140: 61. vol. 28, col. 232 Da Constantin
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incolorò, dove la saltò la peste,
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E venuto nova il magnifico Perì Ba
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Idem, by two slaves who escaped fro
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MDX, APRILE (April 1510) 27. vol. 1
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There is an enormous plague outbrea
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... that there, in Constantinople,
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Paragraph over the statement (made)
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a carbuncle, which is a sort of gia
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From Constantinople, from sir Piero
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