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[ccebook.cn]The World in 2010

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Asia<br />

A grim prospect<br />

Nov 13th 2009<br />

NATO may lose <strong>in</strong> Afghanistan<br />

In August 2009 General Stanley McChrystal, America’s (and NATO’s) top commander <strong>in</strong> Afghanistan, said that<br />

the <strong>in</strong>ternational effort there was at grave risk of fail<strong>in</strong>g. He reckoned he had a year to start turn<strong>in</strong>g th<strong>in</strong>gs<br />

around, or risk los<strong>in</strong>g American support. If that is right, while profess<strong>in</strong>g support for General McChrystal’s<br />

efforts, America and its European allies <strong>in</strong> Afghanistan will <strong>in</strong> <strong>2010</strong> start look<strong>in</strong>g for ways to leave.<br />

Most Afghans still seem to back their efforts to stabilise the place. But that is no substitute for an effective<br />

counter-<strong>in</strong>surgency strategy or a function<strong>in</strong>g state. In the absence of either, the Taliban have recaptured much<br />

of the south and east, levy<strong>in</strong>g taxes and dispens<strong>in</strong>g justice.<br />

For a better strategy, General McChrystal has ordered great changes to the way foreign troops conduct<br />

themselves, especially to make them more respectful of local people and mores. This shift, he concedes, will<br />

probably lead to an <strong>in</strong>creased number of Western casualties. He has also requested an extra 60,000 troops, to<br />

be added to his current 100,000-strong forces. But with public op<strong>in</strong>ion <strong>in</strong> Western countries turn<strong>in</strong>g aga<strong>in</strong>st<br />

the war, governments there, most importantly America’s, are reluctant to accept either outcome. As <strong>2010</strong><br />

loomed, it was unclear whether Barack Obama would agree to send more American troops.<br />

With an edge of desperation, the Europeans would rather discuss plans to “re<strong>in</strong>tegrate”—or make peace with—<br />

the Taliban. Sooner or later, most Afghans and foreigners agree, this is <strong>in</strong>evitable. Yet there will be little<br />

progress on the task <strong>in</strong> <strong>2010</strong>, and little agreement on how it should be attempted: the Americans want to w<strong>in</strong><br />

over low-level militants, the UN and some European governments advocate top-level peace talks. Nor is there<br />

much sign of reciprocal <strong>in</strong>terest from the militants themselves.<br />

Strengthen<strong>in</strong>g the Afghan state will be even harder—especially after the country’s disastrous 2009 presidential<br />

election, rigged <strong>in</strong> favour of President Hamid Karzai and to the obvious disadvantage of his nearest challenger,<br />

Abdullah Abdullah. <strong>The</strong> ensu<strong>in</strong>g furore will further discredit the <strong>in</strong>ternational effort <strong>in</strong> the eyes of Afghans and<br />

foreigners alike. It will also worsen Afghanistan’s ma<strong>in</strong> ethnic division between Pushtuns, Mr Karzai’s group,<br />

and a powerful Tajik m<strong>in</strong>ority who voted mostly for Dr Abdullah.<br />

It is a grim prospect. Indeed, it is hard to be optimistic about Afghanistan <strong>in</strong> <strong>2010</strong>.<br />

James Astill: South Asia correspondent, <strong>The</strong> Economist<br />

Copyright © 2009 <strong>The</strong> Economist Newspaper and <strong>The</strong> Economist Group. All rights reserved.<br />

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