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How does the operation of PHARMAC's 'Community Exceptional ...

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I <strong>the</strong>n moved to <strong>the</strong> subject <strong>of</strong> rationing <strong>of</strong> government’s resources in order to<br />

meet <strong>the</strong>se two sets <strong>of</strong> health needs: those <strong>of</strong> individuals and societies. This<br />

narrowed my focus to studying <strong>the</strong> decisions that are made and <strong>the</strong>ir relative<br />

validity. I found that setting funding priorities at <strong>the</strong> individual patient level was<br />

widely practiced in <strong>the</strong> public health services, but it was done by methods which<br />

were not obvious. Research has shown <strong>the</strong> lengths health practitioners will go<br />

to avoid discussing limiting care (Morgan & Simmons, 2009; Strech, Persard,<br />

Marckmann, & Danis, 2009; Ubel, 2000). This level <strong>of</strong> rationing individuals’<br />

care principally involves denying patients <strong>the</strong> treatment <strong>the</strong>y need due to lack <strong>of</strong><br />

resources. These methods were almost never discussed.<br />

Consequently, I looked for an example in <strong>the</strong> New Zealand public health service<br />

where decisions about distributing funds to individuals were made in <strong>the</strong> most<br />

explicit manner possible. I reasoned that through explicitness I might be able to<br />

find <strong>the</strong> elements <strong>of</strong> decision making. I might also be able to study <strong>the</strong> matters<br />

which influence <strong>the</strong> decision makers in making <strong>the</strong> distributions <strong>the</strong>y are<br />

required to make. My search led me to New Zealand’s drug subsidising agency<br />

PHARMAC.<br />

Many New Zealand and international authors (Cumming, Mays, & Daube, 2010;<br />

Higgins & Ruddle, 1991; Laugesen, 2011; Mays & Smith, 2005; Morgan &<br />

Simmons, 2009; OECD, 2009) have praised PHARMAC’s success in managing<br />

pharmaceutical budgets, particularly in aggressively exercising its dominant<br />

purchasing power. O<strong>the</strong>rs have criticised PHARMAC policies and initiatives as<br />

being short-sighted. These critics have claimed that PHARMAC’s success will<br />

eventually lead to a situation where <strong>the</strong> major pharmaceutical companies will<br />

withdraw co-<strong>operation</strong> from New Zealand. The concern was that<br />

pharmaceutical companies will deny PHARMAC choices in new and improved<br />

pharmaceuticals (Gray & Frizelle, 2005; Holt, Harwood, Aldington, & Beasley,<br />

2005; Menkes, 2000; Sundakov & Sundakov, 2005). O<strong>the</strong>rs (Blue, 2006) have<br />

said that <strong>the</strong>re is basic unfairness in <strong>the</strong> way PHARMAC has applied policies<br />

and procedures in making difficult rationing decisions.<br />

<strong>How</strong>ever, under <strong>the</strong> NZPHDA 2000, PHARMAC must decide what medicines<br />

will be subsidised and which individuals, whose needs are considered<br />

exceptional, will be granted a subsidy for <strong>the</strong> medicines <strong>the</strong>y need. In order to<br />

9

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