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How does the operation of PHARMAC's 'Community Exceptional ...

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care within finite resources. The committee acknowledged that <strong>the</strong> public<br />

health system would always remain shackled to patients queuing for services<br />

and as Scott (2001) had already pointed out, queuing was also a form <strong>of</strong><br />

rationing. <strong>How</strong>ever, <strong>the</strong> NHC’s major work, described by Bloomfield (2003), was<br />

a rejection <strong>of</strong> an Oregon-style list and agreement on prioritisation principles.<br />

The NHC developed booking systems to replace hospital waiting lists and<br />

promulgated guidelines and clinical priority access criteria.<br />

The general thrust <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> NHC was to develop mechanisms for prioritising<br />

patients within services ra<strong>the</strong>r than prioritising between services (Manning &<br />

Paterson, 2005).<br />

As opposed to <strong>the</strong> original NHC concept <strong>of</strong> a core list <strong>of</strong> what would be<br />

provided, <strong>the</strong> Committee saw its task as making it clear when services should<br />

be publicly funded. The Committee tried to identify under what circumstances<br />

services would be beneficial, who should receive <strong>the</strong> services first and how long<br />

individuals should have to wait (Edgar, 2000).<br />

The NHC designed its own framework for thinking about priorities and used four<br />

principles: benefit, fairness, value for money and acceptability in its work. They<br />

published four reports: <strong>the</strong> National Advisory Committee on Core Health and<br />

Disability Services Reports in 1992, 1993, 1997; and <strong>the</strong> National Advisory<br />

Committee on Health and Disability in 1997 10 .<br />

Ashton, Cumming & Devlin (1999) in a major report to <strong>the</strong> HFA identified <strong>the</strong><br />

principle <strong>of</strong> acceptability on which prioritisation should be based. They argued<br />

that because <strong>the</strong>re were winners and losers from this process, <strong>the</strong> rationing 11<br />

debate would be clouded by a lack <strong>of</strong> information and objectivity (Ashton, et al.,<br />

1999). They cautioned that <strong>the</strong> principle <strong>of</strong> acceptability would carry with it <strong>the</strong><br />

power <strong>of</strong> veto. Because <strong>the</strong> veto was present, <strong>the</strong>re was also a need for<br />

detailed analysis, openness and clarity to support <strong>the</strong> prioritisation decisions.<br />

The o<strong>the</strong>r side <strong>of</strong> acceptability was <strong>the</strong> need for concordance with cultural<br />

values and norms. Ashton et al. (1999) presented two fur<strong>the</strong>r arguments.<br />

10 These 4 reports are available on <strong>the</strong> National Health Committee’s website<br />

http://www.nhc.health.govt.New Zealand/moh.nsf/indexcm/nhc-publications<br />

11 The word ‘prioritisation’ is used in <strong>the</strong> report instead <strong>of</strong> ‘rationing’.<br />

41

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