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How does the operation of PHARMAC's 'Community Exceptional ...

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challenges are multiple: to identify what research and knowledge is<br />

needed; to identify appropriate sources <strong>of</strong> that knowledge; to ascertain <strong>the</strong><br />

validity, quality and relevance <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> knowledge obtained; and to<br />

understand how that knowledge informs a range <strong>of</strong> potential policy<br />

options. As science has become more complex and impacts on every<br />

aspect <strong>of</strong> our lives, <strong>of</strong>fering solutions to many <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> problems <strong>the</strong> world<br />

confronts, <strong>the</strong>se issues become more urgent”. (Gluckman, 2011)<br />

The problem with Gluckman’s approach to policy making is deciding which<br />

knowledge base should be used. It cannot simply be assumed that, as is <strong>of</strong>ten<br />

suggested in science, <strong>the</strong>re is a clear, commanding and reproducibly derived<br />

evidence base for <strong>the</strong> knowledge required to solve social problems. My research<br />

has given two examples (those concerning King and Ryall) demonstrating that<br />

Gluckman’s suggested approach is not universally accepted. There are o<strong>the</strong>r<br />

characteristics to policy formation and decision making such as societal values,<br />

financial constraints, public opinion and <strong>the</strong> all important process <strong>of</strong> elections<br />

(and election manifestos) which are <strong>the</strong> centre <strong>of</strong> New Zealand’s democracy and<br />

constitutional arrangements 77 .<br />

When politicians react to intense lobbying and lay aside <strong>the</strong> analytical approach<br />

to which PHARMAC’s utilitarian model appeals, <strong>the</strong>y undermine <strong>the</strong> cost<br />

containing processes <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir own agent. Gillon (2006) suggests that under <strong>the</strong>se<br />

conditions Ministers who override PHARMAC’s decision making have a<br />

concomitant responsibility to provide PHARMAC with extra resources to meet <strong>the</strong><br />

election promises which were made(R Gillon, 2006). Minister Annette King<br />

directed PHARMAC to fund Beta-Interferon out <strong>of</strong> its resources and did not<br />

provide extra funding for <strong>the</strong> commitment. Minister Tony Ryall funded <strong>the</strong><br />

Herceptin election promise with extra funding provided through <strong>the</strong> Ministry <strong>of</strong><br />

Health to PHARMAC and <strong>the</strong> DHBs.<br />

In this chapter, I have used <strong>the</strong> test-questions as a framework for examining <strong>the</strong><br />

results <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>matic analysis <strong>of</strong> PHARMAC’s <strong>operation</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Community<br />

77 New Zealand <strong>does</strong> not have a written constitution. New Zealand’s legal and democratic framework is considered to be <strong>the</strong><br />

existence <strong>of</strong> a collection <strong>of</strong> statutes and regulations passed by <strong>the</strong> Parliament (including <strong>the</strong> Constitution Act 1986, The Bill <strong>of</strong> Rights<br />

1990 and The Electoral Act 1993), signed treaties including <strong>the</strong> Treaty <strong>of</strong> Waitangi, Orders in Council, International Treaties and<br />

Charters, Letters Patent, <strong>the</strong> Royal Assent for new legislation. The Cabinet Manual and <strong>the</strong> common law made by decisions <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

Courts. Taken toge<strong>the</strong>r, all <strong>the</strong>se laws and constitutional traditions are described as New Zealand’s ‘constitutional arrangements’.<br />

245

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