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Poverty Dimensions of Public Governance and Forest Management ...

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<strong>and</strong> youth migrate in search <strong>of</strong> alternative livelihood opportunities. The size <strong>of</strong> food crop farms<br />

decline, groundnuts <strong>and</strong> cassava replace maize, <strong>and</strong> farmers develop risk minimising strategies on<br />

smaller areas <strong>of</strong> l<strong>and</strong>. Maize production is taken up in other areas with better soils where bush<br />

fallowing is the dominant mode <strong>of</strong> farming. In these areas farmers find rising prices for maize an<br />

incentive to move into maize production <strong>and</strong> they can now produce maize more competitively<br />

than those areas formerly using inputs, which they displace. Thus the price <strong>of</strong> maize on the<br />

domestic market does not take into account the cost <strong>of</strong> inputs since sufficient maize can be<br />

produced without inputs.<br />

However, introduction <strong>of</strong> maize into new areas also leads to problems for the poor. Richer<br />

farmers can invest in labour to clear <strong>and</strong> weed their farms <strong>and</strong> easily exp<strong>and</strong> the area under<br />

cultivation leading to l<strong>and</strong> scarcity for some. Frequently increased commercialisation <strong>of</strong><br />

agriculture has a gender dimension. Within the Mo areas <strong>of</strong> the northern transition zone where<br />

yam is the major crop the traditional division <strong>of</strong> labour involved men clearing new plots <strong>of</strong> l<strong>and</strong><br />

from fallow <strong>and</strong> planting these under yam. Women helped in the weeding. When the yams were<br />

harvested women took over the plots <strong>and</strong> planted groundnuts. In contemporary times, this<br />

division <strong>of</strong> labour is breaking down. Instead <strong>of</strong> ab<strong>and</strong>oning the old yam farm to their wives many<br />

men are now planting maize on them. Men have also intensified production by introducing<br />

multiple cropping in which they plant cassava in the yam mounds <strong>and</strong> continue cropping into a<br />

second year. Many men have also gone into groundnut cultivation since it has a good market<br />

price. Some men now divide their old farm into two portions allocating half to their wife (or<br />

wives) <strong>and</strong> retaining a half for their own use.<br />

In other areas with variable farm ecologies, the main commercial crops are produced in particular<br />

niches, which are monopolised by the richer men. This may include areas near water sources for<br />

vegetable production, more fertile l<strong>and</strong>, or areas that have formerly been stumped by state<br />

enterprises <strong>and</strong> projects, which are used for maize production, as at Kokoago. In some areas, the<br />

more fertile l<strong>and</strong>s for commercial crop production are hired out. Poorer people farm on small<br />

areas <strong>of</strong> family l<strong>and</strong> which may have a long history <strong>of</strong> cultivation <strong>and</strong> be less fertile, while those<br />

requiring large plots for commercial production hire the l<strong>and</strong>. L<strong>and</strong> hiring in these areas ensures<br />

that the best l<strong>and</strong> is retained for those with capital to invest in it. Those with capital also<br />

frequently prefer to hire l<strong>and</strong> for commercial crop production rather than use family l<strong>and</strong>, to avoid<br />

a drain on their capital from the social dem<strong>and</strong>s <strong>of</strong> their extended families. For instance, at<br />

Buoku, large maize farms are usually made on hired or sharecropped l<strong>and</strong>, while those using<br />

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