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Education appears to be one of the key factors that drive economic<br />

mobility. As shown in Figure 6-10, among families in the bottom fifth of<br />

the income distribution, almost half (45 percent) of the children who did<br />

not obtain college degrees remained in the poorest fifth as adults, while<br />

only one-sixth (16 percent) of the children who obtained college degrees<br />

remained in the poorest fifth (Isaacs, Sawhill, and Haskins 2008: 95).<br />

The importance of education is also shown by the findings that economic<br />

mobility is higher in countries that have a greater public expenditure<br />

on education (Ichino, Karabarbounis, and Moretti 2009) and areas of the<br />

United States that have a higher-quality K-12 education system (Chetty,<br />

Hendren, Kline, and Saez 2014), and is improved for children in the poorest<br />

one-third of families when states increase spending on elementary and<br />

secondary education (Mayer and Lopoo 2008).<br />

Intergenerational Returns<br />

While much of the literature on mobility presented above is correlational,<br />

a handful of well-crafted studies that track the long-run outcomes of<br />

children exposed to safety net programs highlight the potential for investments<br />

in these programs to generate large returns.<br />

Early childhood education has been found by many researchers to<br />

have dramatic, super-normal returns in terms of more favorable adult<br />

outcomes. The Head Start program created early in the War on Poverty has<br />

been heavily researched and the combined results show that it can “rightfully<br />

be considered a success for much of the past fifty years” (Gibbs, Ludwig, and<br />

Miller 2013: 61). Studies following children over time, and accounting for<br />

the influence of family background by comparing siblings, found that Head<br />

Start participants were more likely to complete high school and attend college<br />

(Garces, Thomas, and Currie 2002), and scored higher on a summary<br />

index of young adult outcomes that also included crime, teen parenthood,<br />

health status, and idleness (Deming 2009). The latter study found that Head<br />

Start closed one-third of the gap in the summary outcome index between<br />

children in families at the median and bottom quartiles of family income.<br />

Using a regression discontinuity research design that compared access to<br />

Head Start across counties, Ludwig and Miller (2007) found positive impacts<br />

of Head Start on schooling attainment, the likelihood of attending college,<br />

and mortality rates from causes that could be affected by Head Start. Gibbs,<br />

Ludwig, and Miller (2013) suggest the combination of the benefits due to<br />

Head Start might produce a benefit-cost ratio in excess of seven.<br />

Randomized experiments studying the Perry Preschool Project,<br />

Abecedarian Project, Chicago Child-Parent Centers, Early Training Project,<br />

and Project CARE programs largely confirm these findings. A variety of<br />

The War On Poverty 50 Years Later: A Progress Report | 255

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