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Friedman, and Rockoff (2011) find the financial value (the net present value<br />

at age 12 of the discounted increase in lifetime earnings) of a standard deviation<br />

increase in test scores to be $46,190 per grade.<br />

While it may not be surprising that human capital interventions have<br />

long-run returns, recent studies have also found intergenerational effects<br />

on child outcomes from tax or near-cash transfers to their parents. That is,<br />

recent evidence suggests that government transfers that ameliorate child<br />

poverty by increasing family income have lasting, long-run benefits in terms<br />

of better child outcomes. For example, Hoynes, Schanzenbach, and Almond<br />

(2013) study the initial rollout of the Food Stamp (now SNAP) program<br />

between its initial pilot in 1961 and 1975. While Food Stamps are distributed<br />

as vouchers for food purchases, since their amount is generally less than<br />

households spend on food, the vouchers likely affect family behavior in the<br />

same manner as increased cash income (Hoynes and Schanzenbach 2009).<br />

Hoynes, Schanzenbach, and Almond find that exposure to Food Stamps led<br />

to improvements in adult health (reductions in the incidence of high blood<br />

pressure and obesity) and, for women, increased economic self-sufficiency.<br />

Similarly, Dahl and Lochner (2012) and Chetty, Friedman, and Rockoff<br />

(2011) find that family receipt of additional income from refundable tax<br />

credits improves the achievement test scores of children in the family.<br />

Chetty, Friedman, and Rockoff estimate that the implied increase in adult<br />

earnings due to improved achievement as a child is on the same order of<br />

magnitude, and probably greater, than the value of the tax expenditures.<br />

The results discussed above highlight the crucial fact that government<br />

expenditures on the safety net have a strong economic justification. Not<br />

only do they help to propel struggling adults back onto their feet and protect<br />

them and their families from hardship, they improve opportunity and the<br />

adult outcomes of their children. As such, the poverty-reducing impact of<br />

these programs constitutes an important investment opportunity. To give a<br />

sense of the magnitude of this opportunity, Holzer et al. (2008) estimate the<br />

cost of childhood poverty at about $500 billion (in 2007 dollars) or about<br />

4 percent of gross domestic product (GDP) annually in terms of foregone<br />

earnings, increased costs of crime, and higher health expenditures and lower<br />

health.<br />

While the Holzer et al. study is correlational (though it attempts to<br />

correct for hereditary components of the intergenerational income correlation),<br />

the concern over bias in this estimate is overwhelmed by its<br />

magnitude. Based on Census Bureau estimates, the total poverty gap—the<br />

shortfall between family resources and the SPM poverty thresholds—among<br />

all families with children is about $59.8 billion in 2012, or 0.37 percent of<br />

GDP. Even if the Holzer et al. estimate was double the “true” causal effect of<br />

The War On Poverty 50 Years Later: A Progress Report | 257

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